The initial step toward establishing Kosovo’s new institutions—the constitution of the Assembly—did not conclude as expected during the morning of August 6.
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After the newly elected lawmakers took their oath, the presiding officer decided to adjourn Thursday’s constitutive session. This was done at the request of the leader of the Vetëvendosje Movement (LVV), the largest party, to allow time for talks on a political agreement with the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK).
However, the two parties have shown no signs of being close to an agreement, while the constitutional deadline for constituting the Assembly expires at midnight on Friday. The completion of this process would pave the way for the formation of a government and the election of the country’s president.
An additional obstacle in the negotiations could be the demand publicly put forward by the LDK to take the post of head of state.
Acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti’s LVV insists that the next president should be a consensual and nonpartisan figure. The LDK’s position, meanwhile, is that anyone who can secure 80 votes may be a candidate.
Political analysts consider the demand for the presidency by Lumir Abdixhiku’s party legitimate, as it is the only party that has agreed to enter negotiations with the LVV. According to them, this would create a balance in the distribution of power.
Political scientist Dritëro Arifi, however, describes insisting solely on the presidency as a “narrow” and “unvisionary” demand. He argues that, in the event of a joint government, attention should be focused on government policies.
Arifi stresses that the president does not exercise executive powers and, consequently, this position would not give the LDK the opportunity to influence the policies of the government cabinet.
“Only the position of president… I believe that if the LVV is somewhat intelligent, it would accept it, because it means nothing. That is, not even for the LVV. It carries very little weight, but for the LDK it carries none at all,” Arifi told Radio Free Europe (RFE).
Government program before the distribution of posts
Ilir Deda, a political affairs expert, says the basis of the agreement should be the government program. Among the main issues, he lists the executive’s approach toward Serbs in northern Kosovo, repairing relations with allies, and participation in energy projects supported by Washington.
“If there is no change in policy, and there is a potential LVV-LDK government, then we must ask the LDK why it has remained in opposition all these years if it accepts maintaining the current political course,” Deda told RFE.
In Arifi’s assessment, the LDK must demonstrate during the negotiations that it is managing to incorporate some of its policies into the agreement; otherwise, it will emerge as the loser. He considers Kurti to be in a more favorable position than the LDK “in every option they are considering.”
It is precisely the LDK’s claim to the presidency that calls into question the possibility of the two parties finalizing an agreement.
This demand could complicate the talks and increase the risk of new elections, which would be the fourth in nearly two years. According to Deda, the answer to both of these questions is yes.
The next president: Party representative or independent figure?
Deda believes the parties could find a compromise on the presidency if the LDK proposes a powerful political figure without party affiliation, someone in whom it has confidence.
According to him, the new head of state must have the ability to build consensus within the country. Deda assesses that presidents with party backgrounds in Kosovo’s recent history “have neither known nor wanted to build political and social consensus.”
The LDK has not yet clarified whether it intends to propose someone from its own ranks or a nonpartisan candidate.
In the most recent election, the LDK presented former President Vjosa Osmani as a candidate for head of state. However, Deda says that this party, as the third political force, does not “have the right” to propose one of its members instead of an independent figure, which, according to him, would simultaneously meet the LVV’s condition as well.
Deda assesses that the LVV has “cemented” its demand for a consensual and nonpartisan president, calling this a “just position.” For this reason, he does not think the LVV would accept Osmani for the presidency again.
On the other hand, Arifi says that neither side is guided by principles. He recalls that Kurti had supported Osmani for president during his first term and assesses that the acting prime minister, “depending on his personal interest, is changing his approaches.”
Arifi believes that the LDK will remain a “losing party” even if it manages to secure the presidency.
The talks between the LVV and the LDK are taking place amid internal clashes within Abdixhiku’s party. Just a few days ago, he survived a motion aimed at removing him from the leadership of the LDK.
Nevertheless, Arifi believes that the party’s lawmakers would unite their votes if the narrative continues to focus exclusively on the demand for the presidency.
At a time when political entities are trying to prevent a further deterioration of the institutional crisis, citizens surveyed by RFE say they are tired of frequent election cycles.
If a compromise on the president is not reached, Kosovo could once again enter an election campaign. Neither Albin Kurti nor Lumir Abdixhiku has ruled out this possibility.
