The European Union’s demand that the opening of the main bridge over the Ibër River take place only after coordination among Kosovo’s central institutions, the northern municipalities with a Serb majority, and the local community has prompted numerous reactions. Political scientist Adnan Qaka describes Brussels’ position as one-sided and harmful to Kosovo, calling for the same standards on individual and collective rights to apply to Albanians in the Preševo Valley as well.
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On August 18, European Commission spokesperson Anita Hipper stated that the EU’s position had not changed. According to her, any action concerning the bridge must be preceded by effective coordination and meaningful consultations. Hipper also called on the Kosovo Police to guarantee the security of all communities, in accordance with democratic principles, human rights, and the rule of law.
At present, pedestrians can cross the bridge, while vehicle traffic remains prohibited. Brussels’ position became public a few days after KFOR confirmed that it had begun a gradual transition of its permanent presence at the site.
The bridge over the Ibër connects the southern part of Mitrovica, where most residents are Albanians, with the northern part, where Serbs make up the majority. For years, it has been one of Kosovo’s most sensitive political and security flashpoints. Its opening to vehicles was envisaged as part of the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue and, under the 2016 implementation plan, was supposed to take place in January 2017.
Although work to revitalize the bridge was completed in 2018, following an investment of 1.5 million euros, vehicles have never been allowed to use it. Kosovo institutions’ efforts have been opposed by local Serbs, while international partners have called for any changes to be undertaken in coordination with them.
Qaka says the bridge’s opening cannot be reduced to a physical or political act, as it must be part of a broader process of security management and risk assessment.
“The opening of the bridge over the Ibër River should not be assessed merely as a physical, political, or institutional act, but as the result of a much broader process of security management, situation assessment, and the development of operational capabilities. Beyond the symbolic moment of the opening, what matters professionally is the security environment that has been created, how the risk has been analyzed, how potential indicators of escalation have been identified, and how structures have been organized to prevent any situation that could jeopardize public order and security,” political scientist Adnan Qaka said.
However, he calls the EU’s reaction unacceptable, describing it as harmful and one-sided. According to Qaka, the rights of the Serb community in Kosovo should be measured against the situation of Albanians in the Preševo Valley, where, he claims, discrimination, segregation, and a lack of rights continue.
“The reaction of the European Union is extremely unacceptable and extremely harmful to the state of Kosovo, and it is one-sided. All the individual and collective rights enjoyed by Serb minorities in Kosovo should, at the very least, also be enjoyed by Albanians in the Preševo Valley region, who are facing segregation and ethnic cleansing, an almost total lack of rights, intimidation by Serbia’s security authorities, obstruction of investment by the state of Kosovo in that region and by the Serbian state itself, leaving the region as the most underdeveloped region in Serbia,” Qaka told Bota sot.
One of the problems he highlights is the deactivation of addresses. Qaka claims that through this practice, Serbia is systematically contributing to the depopulation of the Preševo Valley.
“Through the deactivation of addresses, the Serbian state is systematically depopulating that region. Albanians are leaving because of this ongoing systematic Serbian terror. In the Preševo Valley, Medveđa, and Bujanovac area, the plebiscite will expressed and manifested through the referendum of March 1–2, 1992, for equality and the enjoyment of individual and collective rights, as well as political and territorial autonomy for Albanians in Preševo, Bujanovac, and Medveđa, is not being respected,” he said.
The political scientist emphasizes that, in his view, the sacrifice of the Albanians of this area in defense of their homes, dignity, and identity is also being ignored, including the armed struggle of the UÇPMB.

He also states that Serbia is not implementing the Končulj Agreement of May 20, 2001. In his assessment, the agreements signed with political representatives of the Albanians of this province in 2001, 2009, 2013, and 2022 have likewise not been fully implemented.
“The sacrifice made in defense of one’s home, dignity, and identity is being disregarded, as is the defense through the armed struggle of the UÇPMB. Serbia is not implementing the Konçulj Agreement of May 20, 2001, and all the agreements signed with the political representatives of the Albanians of this province in 2001, 2009, 2013, and 2022 are also not being implemented,” Qaka said.
Qaka again raises the issue of the addresses of Albanian citizens in the Valley. According to him, more than 25,000 Albanians have been affected by address deactivation, and roughly one in every four residents of the area does not appear in civil records.
“More than 25,000 Albanian citizens have had their addresses deactivated, meaning that one in every four citizens of this area does not appear in civil records; we have an alarming deactivation of addresses,” he said.
Among the other problems he lists are the lack of university education in the mother tongue, the absence of a regional hospital for Preševo, Medveđa, and Bujanovac, the failure to return the memorial to UÇPMB martyrs in Preševo, and the need to restore the court in Preševo.
He also calls for reserved seats for Albanians in the Serbian Parliament, as well as proportional representation in state structures and local and central institutions.
“Not only is university education in the mother tongue being denied, but there is also no regional hospital for patients from Preševo, Medveđa, and Bujanovac; the memorial to the UÇPMB martyrs in Preševo has not been returned; the court in Preševo must be restored; there must be reserved seats in the Serbian Parliament; unfortunately, we have a lack of proportional representation in state structures and at all local and central levels,” he said.
The security sector is another source of concern, according to the political scientist. He says there is no police station in the Preševo Valley and claims that no Albanian police officer has been hired in Serbia since 2016.
“There is no police station in the Preševo Valley and, since 2016, not a single Albanian police officer has been accepted into the police force in this state. Among other things, Serbia continues to spread fear and use hate speech, racism, and xenophobia, as well as discrimination in culture, information, and investment—systematic state denial and classic discrimination,” Qaka said.
He also links the situation to the considerable military and security presence along the border area.
“There is higher militarization than almost anywhere in the EU, with 48 mini-bases in the Ground Safety Zone in this region, and a psychological climate has been created amid constant tendencies toward displacement, educational deprivation, and ethnic cleansing,” Qaka said.
In this context, he accuses the EU of tolerating systematic discrimination against Albanians in the Preševo Valley and sees this as evidence of double standards.
“The EU is now allowing this systematic discrimination; it is classic, structured discrimination and a test of credibility, since standards are being respected in only one direction. Reciprocity must be practiced: the same standard for all the individual and collective rights enjoyed by Serb minorities in Kosovo should, at the very least, also apply to Albanians in the Preševo Valley region and throughout Serbia,” he said.
According to Qaka, Serbs in Kosovo have a broad range of political and institutional rights guaranteed by the Constitution. He mentions reserved seats in the Assembly, official language use, local self-government, and proportional representation in institutions.
“Serb minorities in Kosovo enjoy broad rights guaranteed by the Constitution, at a level of political and institutional rights more advanced than anywhere in the EU, including representation in the Kosovo Parliament through reserved seats, official language use and local self-government in municipalities, proportional representation in the Government, Parliament, courts, prosecution service, municipal leadership, commanders of Kosovo Police stations, and the chain of command of the Kosovo Police and the KSF,” he said.
He also mentions educational institutions and symbols of Serb cultural heritage in Kosovo. According to his claim, the Serb community has universities in North Mitrovica, while statues and memorials have been erected in the areas where it lives.
“Serb minorities in Kosovo have universities in North Mitrovica, and they have also erected various statues from their cultural heritage and memorials to Serb criminals who took part in Serbia’s genocidal crimes against Albanians in Kosovo; in other words, they are represented in every sphere of life. In short, no EU country implements or provides minority rights to the extent enjoyed by the Serb minority in Kosovo,” the political scientist said.
Qaka’s criticism also extends to EU envoys involved in the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue. He believes that all of them have used the same discourse and, in his view, applied double standards toward Albanians in Serbia and Serbs in Kosovo.
“All EU envoys, without exception, for the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia, have followed the same discourse of double standards by the EU toward the Albanian minority in Serbia and the Serb minority in Kosovo,” Qaka said.
Returning to the bridge, the political scientist interprets the European demand as political pressure on Kosovo and as an attempt to minimize what he considers the success of Kosovo’s institutions in the north.
“The European Union’s demand can be understood as political pressure on the state of Kosovo to diminish or minimize almost Kosovo’s complete success in that part of the country in fighting Orthodox Serb terrorist organizations, organized crime, the informal economy, and smuggling, and in establishing security, although there is still much work to be done for the state of Kosovo to create full security and strengthen its sovereignty,” he said.
According to him, pressure from international actors should focus on Belgrade and local Serbs in Kosovo so that they accept the reality of an independent Kosovo and do not obstruct coexistence through divisions and blockades.
“I believe political pressure should be directed at Belgrade and local Serbs in Kosovo so that they accept reality and live together in an independent Kosovo, rather than creating divisions and blockades, as Serbs have done for more than two decades since the postwar period in Kosovo,” Qaka said.
He describes the Ibër Bridge as a psychological border that for many years divided the city and restricted residents’ free movement.
“The Ibër Bridge has been a psychological, not state, border that unfortunately divided the country and prevented the free movement of Albanian citizens by any vehicle. On this occasion, the EU wants to prolong the matter and send Belgrade a signal that it does not have our support, although behind the scenes the opposite may be true; in any case, this is their call for delay, and there is a great risk that the bridge issue will move from a technical decision to a political one,” he said.
Qaka calls on Kosovo’s institutions to communicate directly with the EU and make clear that opening the bridge does not pose a threat to the security of Serbs, but could contribute to community integration and economic development.
“The state of Kosovo must communicate with the European Union and make it clear that building bridges and opening them does not threaten the security of the Serb citizens living there; it represents security, community integration, and economic prosperity,” he said.
The political scientist claims that local Serbs have refused to integrate into the state of Kosovo for nearly three decades and continue to serve as a destabilizing instrument of Belgrade.
“It is the Serbs themselves who, for almost three decades since the postwar period in Kosovo, have not wanted to integrate into the state of Kosovo and continue to be a destabilizing instrument of Belgrade against the state of Kosovo,” Qaka said.
In conclusion, he says the bridge must not remain hostage to policies that produce divisions and different standards. In his view, if the EU demands democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and security for all communities, these principles must be applied equally.
“The issue of the bridge over the Ibër cannot remain hostage to a policy that produces divisions, fear, and double standards; if the European Union demands democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and security for all communities, then these standards must be the same, applicable, and measurable on both sides of the border. Kosovo cannot constantly be asked to prove its responsibility while systematic discrimination against Albanians in the Preševo Valley is treated as a secondary issue,” Qaka emphasizes.
He calls for community rights not to be used as a political tool only against Kosovo, but to be treated as a universal principle.
“Respect for community rights cannot be a political instrument used only when demanded of Kosovo; it must be a universal principle, without double standards, without tolerance for discrimination, and without relativizing realities. The opening of the bridge over the Ibër should be seen as a step toward integration, free movement, security, and the normal functioning of the state of Kosovo, while international pressure should be directed where the real obstacles to normalization, integration, and coexistence exist,” he said.
Qaka concludes his position by emphasizing that bridges should bring people closer rather than deepen divisions. In his assessment, European standards have value only if they are applied equally to everyone.
“Because bridges are built to bring people together, not to legalize divisions, while European standards have meaning only when they are applied equally to everyone, regardless of ethnic affiliation, territory, or political interest,” political scientist Adnan Qaka concluded.
