On Monday, in a reaction posted on social media, former Foreign Minister Ditmir Bushati described the student movement’s victory in Serbia as a historic moment and a clear sign of hope for Albania.
Bushati stressed that civic mobilization had shown that even a powerful government, supported by clientelism, corruption and control of institutions, can be challenged.
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According to Bushati, the tactics Aleksandar Vučić used to consolidate and maintain power through control of institutions, clientelism and ties with oligarchs have also been implemented in Albania under Edi Rama’s government.
He sees the students’ victory in Serbia as a sign of hope for democratic change in Tirana as well, stressing that this process requires civic mobilization, independent institutions, a level political playing field and the severing of ties between power, corruption and organized crime.
Ditmir Bushati’s reaction:
THE WIND THAT CAN NO LONGER BE STOPPED!
Aleksandar Vučić’s fourteen-year regime has come to an end. Serbia was liberated as a result of broad political and social resistance and mobilization within the country and in the diaspora. The movement led by students marks a historic victory. Time will tell whether this mobilization and commitment will translate into lasting political and democratic changes.
Vučić’s downfall is not proof that despotic governments can be defeated under normal conditions. When students have to leave their lecture halls to save their country, that does not mean democracy is functioning properly. On the contrary, it is evidence of how the “stars must align” for a despotic government to be defeated.
The fact that the Student Movement, organized in a disciplined and decentralized manner, with no financial resources, no leaders, no external support, no party infrastructure and no political experience, managed to defeat a powerful state machine based on clientelism will be studied for a long time in university courses and academic papers.
Vučić’s power was based on control over political and economic life; patronage in the public administration; subservient media; the sidelining and exclusion of political figures within the party; the division and co-option of the opposition; the misuse of security and law-enforcement institutions; corruption as a governing norm; and an alliance with organized crime. For a period of time, people grew tired and surrendered in the face of this model.
Everything began to change on November 1, 2024, when the concrete canopy of a recently renovated railway station in Novi Sad collapsed. Sixteen people lost their lives, including children and students. Unlike previous scandals, to which citizens had reacted with indifference, this time the students stood up. Within a few months, they organized protests and open assemblies where they discussed what they should do next. They boycotted lectures, marched hundreds of kilometers, slept in school gyms and spoke with all layers and generations of society. This dynamic later gave rise to a leaderless political movement, diverse in its values, ranging from left to right, and representing different generations on a single electoral list, with the aim of liberating the state and building a democratic state.
Although this movement has faced an almost absolute government that controls state mechanisms, as well as attacks, threats and arrests, it retained its nonviolent character, demonstrating that democracy can also be practiced outside traditional political institutions: in classrooms, streets and squares, bringing together people who once had little reason to cooperate.
The students’ victory in Serbia, following Peter Magyar’s victory in Hungary, marks the end of the first generation of post-communist politicians. At the same time, it is a clear sign of hope for Albania. Regardless of the circumstances and the different geopolitical orientations of our countries, Vučić’s schemes and tactics for maintaining power have also taken root in Albania. In many cases, the people behind them are the same lobbyists, oligarchs, pollsters and all manner of communications technologists.
This is not about hoping that one government can be replaced by another. It is about the possibility of democratic renewal in response to the disappointment and anger of a generation that has grown up amid numerous scandals, countless difficulties and the same leaders. A generation that was born and raised seeing the same problems without receiving answers to them.
No one can stop the wind of change blowing through our region. It is a change that comes through solidarity, courage and collective social action. It will not be easy, it will not arrive as a gift from abroad, nor will it be the product of a group of people. On the contrary, it will result from joint efforts requiring strategy, a concentration of forces, ethics, ideas and courage. This change begins with separating the state from those in power, establishing rules of the game and equal political competition, creating democratic institutions, and severing the ties between organized crime and corruption. The best guarantee of this is civic cooperation.
