Bedri Hamza’s departure as leader of the Democratic Party of Kosovo and dissatisfaction with Lumir Abdixhiku in the Democratic League of Kosovo have brought internal difficulties in the two main opposition parties into view. The PDK is moving toward electing a new leader, while discussion of the LDK’s leadership and political direction is intensifying.
The situation has raised questions about the state of the opposition and its ability to confront and coordinate against the government. Internal disagreements and the lack of a common line could divert attention from scrutinizing the government and presenting concrete solutions for citizens.
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It remains unclear whether Hamza’s resignation and dissatisfaction within the LDK point to a wider political crisis or could pave the way for reorganization and renewal. It is also not yet known how these developments will affect relations between the opposition and the Vetëvendosje Movement.
Are the PDK and LDK facing an internal crisis? What impact are these developments having on the two parties’ role in opposition, and are they delivering political gains to Albin Kurti? Will changes at the top strengthen the parties or deepen their divisions?
Halili: The PDK and LDK must reorganize politically
Commenting on developments in the two opposition parties for “Bota sot,” Professor Nijazi Halili said that Bedri Hamza’s resignation as head of the PDK and calls for changes to the LDK leadership reflect significant organizational and political problems. He said the way these issues are handled will determine whether the processes lead to renewal or deeper divisions.
“Recent events in the PDK and LDK show that both parties face serious challenges involving organization and political leadership. Bedri Hamza’s departure as head of the PDK and calls for changes in the LDK leadership are not simply matters of individuals; they are also connected to debates about strategy, political accountability and democracy within the parties.
However, a leadership crisis must be distinguished from a crisis that calls the very existence of a party into question. Disagreements can be part of the democratic process and help bring about reform. But if they turn into clashes between individuals and factions, they can damage unity and voters’ trust,” Halili said.
Halili warned that a focus on party infighting could make it harder for the opposition to monitor the government and present political alternatives. In his view, such a situation could give the LVV more political space.
“If opposition parties devote more attention to their internal conflicts than to alternative programs, attention may shift away from government oversight and issues that directly affect citizens. As a result, divisions in the PDK and LDK could give the Vetëvendosje Movement and Prime Minister Albin Kurti more room on the political scene. This does not necessarily mean their support has grown, but it does mean the opposition is struggling to act together.
In any case, the opposition’s relative weakening does not guarantee that the government will grow stronger in the long term. Government performance, the economy, public trust and the parties’ ability to propose concrete solutions also have an impact,” he said.
On possible leadership changes, the professor said they could create opportunities for renewal if the process is transparent, competition is fair and the party has a clearly defined political program.
“Everything will depend on how the internal processes unfold. The election of new leaders can become an opportunity for renewal if it is conducted transparently, with fair competition and accountability, and is accompanied by a clear political program.
If, on the other hand, the changes amount only to replacing names, without examining the reasons for dissatisfaction and developing a new vision, divisions could deepen and public trust could fall further.
Ultimately, in a democracy, parties are not judged only by the number of their MPs or the name of their leader. Their ability to generate ideas, build stable institutions and respond to citizens’ needs also matters. The challenge facing the PDK and LDK goes beyond the contest for leadership: they must show that they can build a functional opposition with a clear political identity and a credible alternative for government,” Halili concluded.
Mehmeti: Clashes in the PDK and LDK give the LVV an advantage
Analyst Gani Mehmeti, meanwhile, sees recent developments in the PDK and LDK as signs of a deep political crisis driven by disagreements and a lack of unity. He believes the problems are directly undermining the two parties’ role in opposition and creating an advantage for the Vetëvendosje Movement.
“Over the past two years, these two parties avoided forming institutions in the Republic of Kosovo and, because of their stubbornness, sent the country to elections twice unnecessarily. Voter support for them has steadily declined. This was also demonstrated in the elections of December 25, 2025, and June 7, 2026.
Even after the latest elections, on June 7, 2026, they refused to form the institutions and continued making one demand after another. As a result, their support weakened and disagreements within the parties began.
The LDK, it seems, split into two camps over the candidacy of one of its members for Kosovo’s presidency. The LDK’s “powerful six” opposed it. Out of jealousy, resentment and stubbornness, they blocked the election of the president, which would have completed the process of forming Kosovo’s institutions. This led to the LDK splitting into two factions.
Fortunately, the PDK supported its candidate for president of Kosovo, Ms. Justina Shiroka-Pula, but only at the last moment. Before LVV leader Albin Kurti nominated her, no other figure was accepted. There were likely dissatisfied members in this case too, and after Kosovo’s institutions were formed, Bedri Hamza resigned as PDK chairman, for reasons that remain unclear.
Now, following his resignation, it seems difficult to find a candidate who can unite all members of the PDK leadership,” Mehmeti said.
In his view, the lack of a unified position is reducing the political influence of the two opposition parties and giving Prime Minister Albin Kurti more room to maneuver.
“A political party that does not express a common position cannot have an influence on the country’s political life. Today, the PDK and LDK, Kosovo’s two largest opposition parties, find themselves in this situation. They are going through a deep political crisis, and it is unclear when or how it will end.
This situation is weakening their role in opposition and politically favoring Albin Kurti,” he said.
As for the parties’ prospects, Mehmeti believes leadership changes could deepen internal divisions even further.
“To conclude, I think changing the leadership will not make these parties stronger. The divisions are likely to deepen, because the dissenters want to take control of the party or have greater influence and a louder voice within it.
This reflects a low trait in everyone, or an unfair politics within Kosovo’s parties. Perhaps this is also happening because they no longer have a party leader whose word everyone would heed.
There is no doubt that this lack of agreement within the two parties is playing into the hands of the Vetëvendosje Movement,” Mehmeti concluded in comments to “Bota sot.”
