Former Interior Minister Sandër Lleshaj describes citizens’ right to protest as an essential element of democracy and views the latest wave of protests as an important development for the country. In an interview, he criticizes political representation in Albania and the country’s inherited political class.
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Lleshaj says the protests have highlighted the need for a profound change to the system and calls for a new law on political parties to be drafted. According to him, Albania’s current model of governance and democratic functioning must be fundamentally overhauled.
The former Socialist minister delivers a direct message to Prime Minister Edi Rama, stressing that resignation should not be seen as a tragedy, but as a decision that can be taken when “the time is ripe.”
Regarding the case of Belinda Balluku, Lleshaj stresses that justice cannot function only if someone decides to surrender or hand over another person.
Mr. Lleshaj, how do you view the wave of citizen protests demanding Prime Minister Edi Rama’s resignation? What do you think has prompted Albanians to take to the streets again?
The protests have brought a new and necessary movement to the country’s public life after a long period of political and social stagnation. Their scale is also demonstrated by the widespread attention they have received internationally.
While in democratic countries parliament is the arena in which political parties operate and the streets belong to citizens who do not feel represented, Albania has experienced the opposite in recent years. Parliamentary parties have protested in the streets, while playing an almost peripheral role in the Assembly.
This time, something normal appears to be happening: citizens are in the streets, while the politicians paid with their taxes no longer seem to have a place there. Moreover, it is unclear where those politicians are today.
Could the situation worsen because the protesters’ demands are not being answered?
Politics must take seriously even the protest of a single citizen. It must show respect toward the people who finance it with their taxes. That respect begins with listening, without commentary and without attempts to downplay what is being demanded.
The attempt to delegitimize protesters by looking for motives other than the fact that they are citizens expressing their dissatisfaction is outdated. Ultimately, the government is also responsible for ensuring the safety of its own citizens’ protests.
It must also protect protests from possible foreign influence or infiltration, about which there has been much speculation but no evidence. Even during the protests and tragic events of 1997, the government of the time readily attributed responsibility to foreign intelligence services, as if it had no obligation to protect the country from them.
Under the present circumstances, there is only one way forward: the protests must be heard, understood and met with understanding.
In your view, should Edi Rama resign to pave the way for a political solution?
If I were still in communication with the prime minister and if he showed a willingness to accept advice, perhaps I would offer it. But time has also brought that communication to an end. For that reason, under present circumstances, all that is left for me is the ethical and professional silence associated with my former political relationship with the prime minister.
Nevertheless, my personal conviction is that resignation is not a tragedy. It can be a kind of blessing that a person experiences when the time is ripe. I experienced that feeling myself in 2020, when I stepped down as interior minister after one of thousands of police officers committed a crime at midnight while on patrol duty.
Every day that has passed since then has only strengthened my conviction that the decision was a blessing.
As a former interior minister, how do you assess the way the state is managing large citizen protests, particularly when there have also been cases of violence against protesters?
Once, during an interview, I was asked how the police would respond if the people attacked polling stations on election day. My answer was that the police would do nothing, because their mission is not to prevent the people from expressing their will, whatever that may be.
That is also my answer today. The police’s mission is to ensure that protests proceed normally. At the same time, they must confront crime and every violation of the law, while always respecting the principles of proportionality and restraint.
I have summarized this approach in what I call the 110 principle. It means that the police should respond to violent actions one step later in time, with one level less force than that used against them, and that the outcome of police intervention must be zero casualties.
That is the entire strategy: 110. The police belong to the citizens before they belong to the state. I regret that I did not have the opportunity to complete an initiative I once considered to change its name from the “State Police” to the “Albanian Police.” A police force that has historically belonged only to the state must increasingly become a police force for the citizens.
The protesters are demanding the transformation of the system, the removal of the old political class and the building of a new Albania that should be led by young people. How do you view this demand?
The protests have highlighted Albania’s most fundamental problem: the complete exhaustion of the political class inherited from the Party of Labour of Albania, in the form of the daughter parties it created at the end of its existence.
This is, in fact, the first and last problem the country must address. But instead of focusing on this issue, the protest has expanded to such a large number of topics and proposals that it has reached the level of cacophony.
Before addressing laws on strategic investments, protected areas, elections and other similar issues, Albania must change the political system that has produced the anomalies of recent decades.
The protest appears to be pursuing many objectives simultaneously, and it is well known what result comes from trying to hit two targets with one stone. Under the legislation developed over three decades, Albania is, de jure and de facto, hostage to political parties—or worse still, hostage to their leaders.
These leaders have the legal right to determine themselves the lists of candidates for whom Albanian citizens must vote. As a result, the Assembly has been filled with people appointed by the leaders of the parliamentary parties.
This situation is more than alarming. If parliament is not protected as the temple of democracy, nothing else can be protected: neither lagoons as the “temple” of flamingos, nor natural resources, nor public property.
If the protest were to bring about one genuine benefit for society, it would be to force the adoption of a new law on political parties. This law must strip them of their exclusive hold over representation and establish legal standards for the democratic election of party leaders, governing bodies and, above all, the candidates that parties field in elections, as happens in the Europe we aspire to join.
As long as Albanian citizens cannot exercise their constitutional right to stand for election and to vote without being dependent on the will of political party leaders, democracy in Albania will remain merely a propaganda slogan.
As for the idea of “power for the young,” I would say that it is a cliché that, although it sounds appealing, can be dangerous. It is similar to the cliché that women are incorruptible.
Young people undoubtedly have the right and the duty to participate in building the country’s future, which is also their own future. But this does not justify any kind of discrimination based on age.
The issue should not be framed as a choice between the departure of the old and the arrival of the young. In the state administration and the private sector, people should be engaged according to their skills and capabilities.
The knowledge and experience of the “old” cannot be excluded merely to make way for the energy of the “young.” Both qualities must be combined to achieve the best result.
Behind slogans promoting the “young” and “women” often lies the risk of their misuse. In certain cases, it is precisely a lack of qualifications and experience that becomes the weak point from which failure and corruption begin.
Have we still not understood that experiments in this regard have embarrassed us at international negotiating tables? In quite a few cases, young officials with polished appearances but insufficient knowledge and experience have made a very poor impression when facing international officials experienced in matters of state.
Have we not understood that the many failures of recent decades also bear the mark of numerous young people promoted solely because of their age, who failed for precisely that reason? Compared with other countries, Albania has an extraordinarily large number of young people in parliament and throughout state offices, but this has not helped the country.
Young people should have every opportunity and avenue to demonstrate their talent and energy. But rapidly placing them in positions that would normally require experience is harmful to everyone.
Perhaps it would be useful to understand the meaning of the English word “senior,” which is used to describe many high-level positions in the economy, public administration and politics.
One of the protesters’ demands is also the formation of a technical government with a one-year mandate. What do you think of this proposal?
This is another element that adds to the protest’s cacophony. A technical government would simply be a waste of time and the best way to bring the protest itself to an end without achieving any result.
Albania needs the fundamental political change I mentioned earlier: a new law on political parties. If that does not happen, a technical government would merely give party leaders the opportunity to catapult the same political kamikazes into the next parliament and create a replica of the current one.
The country does not need another political cycle with new actors, but a fundamental change to the system that produces the Albanian parliament.
The protesters are also demanding that Belinda Balluku’s immunity be lifted and that she be arrested. In your view, why is the justice system not acting against the former deputy prime minister? Is the argument that the Socialist Party is not handing her over convincing?
Justice must not depend on someone’s willingness to hand over a person or to submit to a process. If being handed over or surrendering voluntarily are prerequisites for justice to function, then justice appears to be absent.
Do you think SPAK is applying the same standard to all senior officials? What message would be conveyed by investigating every official against whom there is sufficient evidence or indication of wrongdoing?
I think the public’s expectations of SPAK have turned into a form of great naivety and illusion. SPAK has an obligation to bring before justice those who violate the law, but we cannot expect it to solve the fundamental problems associated with the lack of democratic legitimacy of institutions that rank above SPAK itself.
SPAK cannot give legitimacy or credibility to a discredited parliament. At best, this parliament produces anecdotes and ridiculous stories about the country; at worst, it passes laws that harm the public interest.
Without a dignified parliament elected by Albanians rather than by party leaders, neither SPAK nor the creation of a thousand other bodies would be enough. Things would continue along the same course.
To be continued tomorrow…
