The latest failure to find common ground between the Vetëvendosje Movement and the Democratic League of Kosovo has plunged the political arena into a delicate moment, while the room for a possible agreement is rapidly narrowing.
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The latest talks between LVV leader Albin Kurti and LDK leader Lumir Abdixhiku ended without consensus, although there were efforts to build a bridge for institutional cooperation.
After the meeting at the Assembly premises, Kurti told reporters that there was no news until an agreement was reached. He added that once the agreement was finalized, there would be a public announcement. Abdixhiku, meanwhile, chose not to speak to the media at all after the talks ended.
Wednesday’s session took place just hours after prominent LDK figures publicly called for their party to take the presidency.
Today, August 6, the constitutive session of the eleventh legislature of the Assembly of Kosovo is scheduled to take place, simultaneously opening the constitutional deadlines for forming the new government and selecting the head of state. In this context, the absence of an agreement between the two main political forces adds to the dilemmas over the functioning of the institutions and the possibility of avoiding a new political crisis.
Political analyst Gani Qarri, in an interview with “Bota sot,” stressed that the continuing political deadlock and the parties’ inability to build consensus show that Kosovo should consider constitutional changes so that the president is elected directly by popular vote.
According to him, the figure of the head of state should embody unity and not be the product of party bargaining. He argues that the negative experience with today’s parties in reaching consensus and creating functioning institutions makes it necessary to review the constitutional provisions for the election of the president by citizens. In his view, the president should be a symbol of popular unity, not a tool of parties that for nearly two years have kept the country in electoral cycles without stable institutions.
Qarri emphasizes that the constitution of the Assembly also marks the start of the constitutional deadlines for forming the government and electing the president, but he questions whether this process will be achievable because of internal developments within the LDK. He notes that the narrow vote of confidence on the continuation of Abdixhiku’s mandate shows that there are deep divisions within the LDK, which could make it more difficult to reach an agreement with the winning party on the president, since it remains unclear whether the party’s number of deputies will be stable.
The analyst believes that the meetings held between the Vetëvendosje Movement and the LDK have produced no concrete results, increasing uncertainty over the possibility of an agreement. He stresses that despite lengthy talks between the representatives, no agreement was reached, and it was only said that the talks would continue, signaling that serious uncertainties and disagreements still exist between the parties.
According to Qarri, the LVV offer of a coalition government should have been analyzed more carefully by the LDK, taking into account the election result and its internal situation. He says that the offer of the position of Assembly speaker, the post of deputy prime minister and several ministries was an opportunity that the LDK should have seriously considered, and that insisting solely on the presidency does not help resolve the crisis.
He adds that the election of a nonpartisan president would be the most acceptable alternative for all political entities and would serve the citizens. LVV itself, according to him, has publicly expressed its readiness to support a nonpartisan figure, which would be the best option for the country and an opportunity to overcome the political deadlock.
In the end, Qarri warns that the lack of an agreement could push the country toward new early elections, with political and economic consequences. He concludes that if consensus is not reached on making the institutions functional and electing the president, the continuation of the crisis and a move toward elections are at risk, which would be a heavy burden on the budget, a test of the citizens’ patience and a situation that does not serve Kosovo’s stability.
Meanwhile, Blerim Burjani also spoke on the same issue, describing it as complicated and saying that, in his view, Prime Minister Kurti has only one way forward to avoid elections.
He stressed that an agreement with the LDK would be the solution, giving it the position of president and five ministries, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Burjani said that the issue is complicated and that Kurti has only one option: to offer the LDK the presidency and five ministries, including the Foreign Ministry; otherwise, elections are unavoidable. He added that the state is worse off than the parties.
Burjani described the stubbornness of VV and perhaps of the electorate that votes while knowing that Kurti produces not institutions but conflict and elections as a serious problem. According to him, if it is known why people should vote, this issue remains open, and the alternative is either the electorate becoming aware or self-destruction.
Moreover, he stressed that political responsibility must be linked to the interests of the state and not to party or individual interests, concluding that self-destruction results from irresponsibility, political arrogance and failing to put the state first, rather than party and individual interests.
