Isa Mustafa’s ‘dictatorship’ statement sparks debate: analysts defend the diaspora’s right to vote

A statement by the former chairman of the Democratic League of Kosovo, Isa Mustafa, has ignited a new discussion in public opinion regarding the political weight of the diaspora. Mustafa said that parties should not fear the electoral process, but stressed that the diaspora should not “impose a dictatorship on Kosovo”, provoking a wave of reactions.

The use of the word “dictatorship” in connection with the community of Albanians living abroad has raised suspicions about an attempt to minimize the importance of their vote, especially in a context where it could be decisive for political balances.

On the other hand, the responses to this statement have once again brought to the fore the historical contribution of the diaspora, which for years has supported Kosovo financially, politically, institutionally, and on the international stage through lobbying.

Is the exercise of a constitutional right considered a form of imposition? Is the diaspora becoming a concern only when its vote does not align with certain party interests? And the main question: is the sacrifice of the diaspora, which in the darkest times served as one of the supporting pillars of the country, being neglected today?

To unpack this issue, “Bota sot” contacted Dashnim Hebibi, president of the Helvetic Scientific Institute of Southeastern Europe based in Switzerland, and diaspora-based analyst Eduard Gashi.

Hebibi: Diaspora does not run Kosovo, it is an integral part of the homeland

To begin with, Dashnim Hebibi stresses that Isa Mustafa’s stance must be analyzed carefully, given his long political career and his deep understanding of the diaspora’s role in shaping the state of Kosovo.

He emphasizes that in delicate political situations, heavyweight figures should be a voice of unity and cooperation, not deepen existing divisions.

“I think that Prof. Isa Mustafa’s statement should be viewed very carefully, especially because of his long political experience and the fact that he knows well the role that the Albanian diaspora has played in Kosovo’s political developments. First of all, Prof. Mustafa should not rejoice at elections just because they may come as a result of such a difficult political situation. If Kosovo is heading in this direction, what we should hear from people with experience is a call for unity, not joy over another political clash. Prof. Mustafa, from his experience, should offer ideas on how to come together in these difficult moments that Kosovo is experiencing. He should be one of the voices inviting dialogue, reducing tensions, and finding a solution in the country’s interest,” said Hebibi.

In his opinion, the diaspora cannot be perceived as a foreign entity aiming to control the country, because it is an inseparable part of it.

“Not for our grudges. Not for our party interests. But for Kosovo. From the eye and soul of the diaspora, this situation causes great pain. Because the Albanian diaspora is part of the homeland in every situation, not just before the war, during the war, and after it. It is part of Kosovo today and will be part of it tomorrow. Therefore, the diaspora is not the conductor of Kosovo. It is part of the homeland. And those who engage in negativity towards it or try to create an artificial division between the diaspora and the homeland are gravely mistaken. I don’t understand why this division should be created. The diaspora is not a different people. It is part of the homeland,” he continued.

Hebibi expresses reservations about the idea of reducing the importance of the diaspora due to its potential electoral influence, describing any attempt to divide citizens by place of residence as a wrong path.

“This is a very important question. I don’t want to believe that the political weight of the diaspora is being relativized just because its vote may influence election results. But if someone thinks they can separate the diaspora from the homeland just because they live outside Kosovo, then they are making a big mistake. The diaspora often judges the situation in the homeland more realistically, because it is not as wrapped in the party cloak and, in many cases, has no direct personal interest in domestic political battles. It acts outside its country, works, lives, and faces a different social reality. It compares Kosovo with the country where it lives. And precisely for this reason, it demands results, because the world is moving forward,” he said.

He also notes that especially young people in the diaspora are no longer guided simply by emotions, but expect concrete performance from governance and parties.

“The Albanian diaspora is not only emotional. Especially the new generation demands concrete results. It wants Kosovo to be a country like those states where Albanians live, work, and build their lives: with functional institutions, justice, responsibility, and perspective. No one can buy the free vote of a diaspora member. They vote according to their conviction. And this right must be respected by everyone. If parties want the diaspora’s vote, they must work to earn it. Those in power must work to keep its trust, while the opposition must work even harder to win it. That is democracy,” he added.

Hebibi is categorical that the diaspora cannot be evaluated positively only for financial remittances and then seen as a concern when it exercises its right to vote.

“The diaspora cannot be good when it sends money, invests, lobbies, helps, and contributes, but become a problem when it goes to vote. The diaspora has given everything it has earned through work for the homeland. Therefore we cannot accept that now it be put in a political uniform and told that it is directing Kosovo. The diaspora does not direct. The diaspora votes. And a free vote is not a dictatorship,” he declared.

Discussing the right to vote itself, he underlines that physical distance does not diminish the civic connection to the state of Kosovo at all.

“Here we must be very clear: a diaspora member who votes is not imposing a dictatorship. They are exercising a democratic right. Anyone who tries to present the diaspora’s vote as a form of political imposition should ask themselves what they are really asking of the diaspora: not to vote? If a citizen has the right to vote, they should vote freely. It doesn’t matter whether they live in Prishtina or Zurich. It doesn’t matter whether they live in Germany, America, Austria, or somewhere else. Geographic distance does not erase the connection to the homeland and should not turn a citizen into a second-class citizen,” he concluded.

Hebibi evokes the early relationship of the LDK with the diaspora

Hebibi also recalls the close ties that the LDK historically had with the diaspora, especially during the era of Ibrahim Rugova.

“The diaspora is the best example and ambassador of the homeland. It has created a good image of Albanians and Kosovo in the countries where it lives. It has built friendships, lobbied, supported processes, and maintained ties with the homeland. Many processes have been initiated and sustained from the diaspora. Songs, poems, scientific papers, and doctoral theses have been written about its contribution. So, we are not dealing with a role invented today for political reasons. We are dealing with an entire history,” he said.

He recalls that once even the LDK itself enjoyed a strong base of support from the diaspora.

“And in this history, we must also remember the LDK of the historic President Dr. Ibrahim Rugova. Prof. Isa Mustafa knows very well how strong the LDK was in the diaspora. The halls were full at its meetings. Diaspora members strongly supported President Rugova’s peaceful vision, a vision that was very acceptable to the Albanian diaspora. How many LDK activities in the diaspora have taken place and how much contribution has been made! Therefore, that history must not be forgotten,” he continued.

Furthermore, Hebibi notes that Mustafa himself has experienced the reality of emigration, and precisely for this reason he should understand more deeply the spiritual connection of the emigrant to the homeland.

“Prof. Mustafa should also not forget that he himself was part of the diaspora and, as the people say, sought the bread of exile. Precisely for this reason, he should understand better what it means to live far from the homeland and to keep it in your heart. He is part of the homeland and has the right to vote,” he stressed.

In his assessment, the diaspora’s contribution before, during, and after the conflict cannot be summed up simply in remittances.

“The Albanian diaspora has been with Kosovo before the war, during the war, and after the war. It was not there only when money was needed. It was there with heart, work, sacrifice, organization, lobbying, and dedication. Without the diaspora, the homeland would be different. No one should forget this. The diaspora is one of the arteries of Kosovo’s future. And it has proven this role for decades,” he emphasized.

Hebibi calls for the relationship between Kosovo and the diaspora to be more strongly formalized, highlighting areas such as education and culture, as well as political representation.

“There is no Museum of the Diaspora. There is no University that I have as a project within the Helvetic Scientific Institute of Southeastern Europe based in Zurich, Switzerland. Albanian supplementary schools need much more serious support. Cultural life in the diaspora is often supported just enough for a photograph, a meeting, and a speech. Meanwhile, concrete policies and sustainable investments are needed,” he added.

He even proposes the idea of creating reserved quotas for diaspora representatives in the Assembly.

“Kosovo must do more for diaspora members. Indeed, it should also consider a stronger institutional representation of them. I think that the idea of at least five deputies being reserved seats for diaspora representatives should be examined. They could bring the experience of the countries where they live, their international connections and friendships, and a new approach in many fields. This would not be a privilege for the diaspora. It would be an investment for Kosovo,” Hebibi concluded for “Bota sot”.

Gashi: The diaspora does not pose a threat to Kosovo’s democracy

On his part, Eduard Gashi, an analyst from the diaspora, assesses that the diaspora community should never be treated as a burden on Kosovo’s democratic system.

According to him, the diaspora is one of the historical foundations upon which freedom, political resistance, and the very state of Kosovo were built.

“Kosovo’s diaspora is not and should never be presented as a problem for our democracy. On the contrary, it is one of the historical pillars of freedom, political survival, and state-building of Kosovo. In the most difficult periods for our people, the diaspora was not just a financial source for families in Kosovo. It was an active part of the political resistance, the internationalization of the Kosovo issue, and the support for institutions that were built under extraordinarily difficult circumstances,” said Gashi.

He especially emphasizes the time of Ibrahim Rugova’s leadership.

“Especially during the time of President Ibrahim Rugova, the diaspora played an irreplaceable role in strengthening Kosovo’s political project, keeping institutions alive, and creating ties with the Western democratic world. Precisely for this reason, the right of every Kosovo citizen to vote, regardless of whether they live in Prishtina, Peja, Gjilan, Berlin, Zurich, New York, or somewhere else, is a democratic right that must be respected without any reservation,” he underlined.

Nevertheless, Gashi draws a clear dividing line between the right to choose and how a certain majority exercises its mandate after victory.

“But here a very important distinction must be made. The right to vote is one thing. The way power is exercised after elections is something else. No political majority, no matter how large it is and how many votes it has received, automatically gains the right to behave as if the state, institutions, and the Constitution belong only to it. Democracy is not just electoral mathematics. It is not just the question of who has more votes. Democracy is also respect for the opposition, respect for procedures, for the separation of powers, for independent institutions, and for the constitutional order,” Gashi declared.

He adds that no electoral triumph justifies the concentration of power in a single hand.

“A majority may win the elections, but it cannot win the right to exclude institutional logic, to delegitimize every criticism, or to treat political opponents as an obstacle to be neutralized. In this sense, Isa Mustafa’s concern must be read in a broader political and institutional context,” he said.

Gashi does not see Mustafa’s statement as an attempt to take away the diaspora’s right to vote, but acknowledges that the way it was expressed may be imprecise in communication.

“I do not read his statement as a denial of the diaspora’s right to vote. On the contrary, I think he raises a concern about the way a political majority can use electoral support as an argument for power concentration and political imposition. However, here too we must be fair and clear: the use of the word ‘dictatorship’ in a context where the diaspora is mentioned can be problematic in communication,” said Gashi.

According to him, the danger lies in creating the perception that the diaspora’s vote is itself the source of a democratic problem.

“Not because political criticism is not allowed. Criticism is the essence of democracy. But because the wrong impression could be created as if the diaspora’s vote itself or the diaspora itself is being presented as the source of a democratic problem. That would be wrong. The problem is not who votes. The problem is what political culture is built after the vote,” he stressed.

Gashi asks why the LDK no longer convinces the diaspora

Focusing on the LDK, Gashi assesses that this political force has historical reasons to treat the diaspora as an integral part of its identity.

“For the LDK, this is particularly important. The LDK historically should not see the diaspora as a lost electorate or as a reality to be criticized from a distance. On the contrary, the LDK should see the diaspora as an organic part of its historical identity. Ibrahim Rugova’s political movement would not have had the same strength without the diaspora. Therefore, the LDK’s response to a poor result in the diaspora should not be disappointment towards the voter, but the question: why did we not manage to convince more?” Gashi declared.

He insists that this is the fundamental question every democratic entity should ask itself.

“This is the democratic question. Not: why did they vote this way? But: why did we not manage to convince them? A serious, state-building, and pro-Western party should seek responsibility first within itself. It must re-establish communication, trust, presence, and connection with citizens abroad. The diaspora should not only be remembered on the eve of elections. It should be treated as a strategic partner of Kosovo,” he added.

Despite this, Gashi emphasizes that respect for the diaspora’s vote does not stop debate or criticism of its political choices.

“At the same time, the diaspora must also be seen as a full part of the political debate. And this means that its political choices can also be discussed, criticized, and analyzed, just like the vote of any other citizen. Respect for the vote does not mean a ban on criticism of the political choice. That is democracy,” said Gashi.

He firmly opposes any division of citizens based on whether they live inside or outside the territory of Kosovo.

“Therefore, I would not turn this debate into a conflict between the diaspora and citizens living in Kosovo. That would be very harmful. We do not have two Kosovos. We do not have a diaspora Kosovo and an internal Kosovo. We have one Republic of Kosovo. All its citizens have equal rights, but also a shared responsibility: that the state not be reduced to the interest of one party or one leader,” Gashi declared.

According to him, the real issue is not the diaspora, but the way the popular vote is transformed into healthy institutional functioning.

“The real challenge is not the diaspora. The challenge is that every vote, wherever it is cast, be transformed into strengthening institutions, democracy, and the pro-Western orientation of Kosovo. And here the LDK must be very clear. It should not compete with populism by becoming populist. It should not imitate the language of polarization. It must offer an alternative,” he said.

In this context, Gashi recalls the vital importance of Kosovo’s Euro-Atlantic orientation.

“An institutional Kosovo. A democratic Kosovo. A Kosovo strongly tied to the USA. A Kosovo integrated into NATO and the European Union. A Kosovo where power is limited by the Constitution and where the state is more important than the party. This, in my opinion, is also the essence of Ibrahim Rugova’s political legacy,” he declared.

In conclusion, Gashi assesses that the discussion should not be narrowed to the question of whether the diaspora has the right to influence electoral processes or not.

“Therefore, the debate on Isa Mustafa’s statement should not be reduced to the question of whether the diaspora should or should not influence elections. Naturally, it should. It has every right. The more important question is another: What state do we build with our vote? A state of the temporary majority or a stable constitutional republic? For me, the answer must be clear: a democratic, sovereign, pluralist, secure Republic of Kosovo, anchored forever in the West,” Eduard Gashi concluded for “Bota sot”.