PDK and AAK Oppose Sejdiu’s Candidacy: A Principled Position or a Threat of a New Institutional Blockade?

After difficult negotiations, the Vetëvendosje Movement and the Democratic League of Kosovo have reached an agreement on a joint candidate for the post of president.

Professor and Doctor Bekim Sejdiu is the name jointly approved by LDK Chairman Lumir Abdixhiku and acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti in the context of talks on the election of the country’s new head of state.

Abdixhiku told reporters that uninterrupted meetings and consultations on the issue had been held since July 9.

He stressed that the talks had been difficult but inclusive, and that both sides had demonstrated a commitment to identifying a candidate acceptable to both parties.

“From the entire list of names proposed and reviewed during our discussions, we agreed on one person, and that is Professor Doctor Bekim Sejdiu,” Abdixhiku announced.

Meanwhile, acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti expressed hope that everything would proceed smoothly.

However, while Kurti awaits a positive outcome, the opposition parties PDK and AAK, regardless of the proposed candidate, continue to maintain the same position against taking part in the vote.

Bedri Hamza, head of the Democratic Party of Kosovo, said that his parliamentary group was united and that he did not believe any deputy would depart from the party’s official line regarding the election of the president.

Speaking about the VV-LDK agreement on Bekim Sejdiu’s candidacy, Hamza pointed out that the two parties had the necessary numbers of votes, but that the PDK would not engage in the process.

“I believe and am convinced that the PDK parliamentary group is unified, and I do not think anyone will deviate from the positions of the Democratic Party of Kosovo,” Hamza said.

He reaffirmed that the PDK would remain in opposition and would not take part in the formation of institutions, with the exception of the issue of the deputy speaker of parliament.

Meanwhile, Ardian Gjini, head of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, said that his party’s position had remained unchanged since June 7 and that the AAK did not feel bound by agreements that other parties might sign.

“The Alliance’s position has been crystallized since June 7. We have no obligation whatsoever toward any agreement reached by two other political parties,” Gjini said.

“Opposition must be accompanied by a clear and achievable alternative”

Professor and Doctor Nijazi Halili believes that, following the LVV-LDK agreement, the position of the PDK and AAK carries particular weight.

Halili says that the PDK and AAK have the right not to support a candidate if they have principled and political reasons, but, in his view, their opposition must be accompanied by a concrete and feasible alternative.

“Following my article published today under the title ‘White Smoke, a Light at the End of the Tunnel!’, recent political developments require a measured, principled approach focused above all on the institutional interest of the Republic of Kosovo. The agreement between the Vetëvendosje Movement and the Democratic League of Kosovo on Bekim Sejdiu’s candidacy for president, if confirmed and institutionally implemented, represents a development that can be seen as an opportunity to overcome the political deadlock and make the institutions functional. In these circumstances, the position of the PDK and AAK takes on particular importance. These political entities have continuously called for the functioning of institutions and have criticized the country’s political blockade. Therefore, a legitimate question now arises: Should political positions be guided by opposition to a party agreement, or by the broader state interest in avoiding another cycle of institutional deadlock? In a parliamentary democracy, a deputy’s vote is free and political responsibility is individual. The PDK and AAK have the right not to support a candidate if they have principled and political reasons for doing so. But, at the same time, rejection must also be accompanied by a concrete and feasible alternative, so that the country does not remain hostage to an endless political conflict. Therefore, the issue should not be reduced solely to the question, ‘Is Bekim Sejdiu Kurti and Abdixhiku’s candidate?’” Halili told Bota sot.

If Sejdiu’s candidacy fails to receive support, Halili says, there must be another clear constitutional and political path.

He adds that Kosovo is not in a position to endure another cycle of institutional uncertainty.

“The most important question is: Is this a real opportunity to unblock the state and provide Kosovo with functioning institutions? If the answer is yes, then all political entities have a responsibility to place the state interest above short-term party calculations. If Sejdiu’s candidacy is not supported, there must be another clear, constitutional and political way forward. Kosovo cannot endure another cycle of institutional uncertainty, especially at a time when the country needs functioning institutions for its European processes, economic development, the rule of law and the consolidation of democracy. In this sense, ‘white smoke’ should not be merely a symbol of a political agreement. It must become a real light at the end of the institutional tunnel. Kosovo needs political compromise, but above all it needs state responsibility. The time of blockades must end. The time to make institutions functional must begin,” Halili concluded.

“Consensus does not mean that everyone has to adore the candidate”

Political analyst Eduard Gashi has analyzed the agreement reached between the Vetëvendosje Movement and the Democratic League of Kosovo on Bekim Sejdiu’s candidacy for president, describing it as an important development that, in his view, does not yet constitute full political consensus.

Gashi told Bota sot that the agreement demonstrates that, even after a prolonged period of political clashes, compromise remains possible.

“The agreement between the Vetëvendosje Movement and the Democratic League of Kosovo on Bekim Sejdiu is undoubtedly an important development, because it shows that even after a long period of political confrontation, the possibility of compromise still exists. Kosovo has lost a great deal of time to institutional crises, elections and political bargaining, and every serious effort to break the deadlock should be welcomed,” Gashi said.

However, he said, a clear distinction must be made between a candidacy agreed upon by two parties and one that enjoys the support of the entire political spectrum.

“Bekim Sejdiu is the consensus candidate of the LVV and LDK. He is not yet the consensus candidate of Kosovo’s political spectrum. This is not a semantic distinction. It is the core of the problem,” he said.

Gashi believes that the PDK and AAK have the right to declare that they are not part of the agreement between Kurti and Abdixhiku, but, in his view, the opposition must show what alternative it offers if it rejects this solution.

“If two parties meet, choose a name and then tell the other parties, ‘This is the consensus candidate, now you must vote for him,’ then we have a bilateral agreement seeking additional support—not a consensus built in advance. For this reason, the PDK and AAK have the right to say that they are not parties to the Kurti-Abdixhiku agreement. But only up to a point. The PDK and AAK have been among the parties that for months called for institutions to become functional and accused others of creating a blockade. If their rejection now is not merely rejection of one candidate but turns into rejection of every possible compromise, then they must answer a much more serious question: What is their alternative?” Gashi said.

He said no one is obliged to vote for a candidate merely because he was proposed by political opponents, but rejection must be accompanied by an alternative.

“In a democracy, no one is obliged to vote for an opponent’s candidate. But anyone who brings down a solution must be able to offer a better one,” he said.

Regarding Bekim Sejdiu himself, Gashi stressed that criticism should not focus on his personal or professional profile, as he is, in Gashi’s view, a figure with considerable experience.

“It would be unfair for criticism of the process to turn into an attack on Bekim Sejdiu as a person. Professionally, he has a serious profile: a jurist, university professor, diplomat from Kosovo’s first generation of state officials, former ambassador to Turkey, former consul general in New York and former judge of the Constitutional Court. So we are not dealing with a party militant randomly taken from the structures of the LVV or LDK. Therefore, I would not say that Bekim Sejdiu is the problem. The problem is the way his candidacy was produced,” Gashi said.

According to him, a figure seeking to be unifying cannot be declared as such solely through an agreement between two leaders.

“A unifying figure does not become unifying because two party leaders declare him to be so at a press conference. Consensus is not declared. Consensus is built. And it is built by speaking first with those who disagree with you. If the aim was a president above the parties, the process should have begun with the LVV, LDK, PDK, AAK and representatives of the communities, with common criteria established and names tested only afterward,” he said.

Gashi believes that the PDK and AAK should reconsider their position, but not necessarily vote for Sejdiu without analyzing his candidacy.

“Therefore, my answer to the question of whether the PDK and AAK should vote for Bekim Sejdiu is not an automatic ‘yes.’ They should reconsider their a priori rejection. They should speak with the candidate. They should listen to him. They should ask questions. And they should publicly explain the substantive reasons for opposing him. If, after that, they conclude that he is not the right candidate, they have every right to vote against him. But saying ‘no’ merely because Kurti and Abdixhiku proposed the candidate is not statesmanship. It is a party reflex,” Gashi said.

On the other hand, he also criticized the LVV and LDK for any attempt to impose this candidacy on the opposition.

“The LVV and LDK have no moral right to tell the opposition: ‘Either vote for our candidate, or you will be to blame for new elections.’ That too would be political manipulation. Those who reached the agreement bear the primary responsibility for securing the necessary votes,” he said.

Gashi warned that failure to find a solution could push Kosovo toward another electoral cycle, describing this as a scenario that would have serious consequences.

“Which sector of Kosovo benefits from new elections? The economy? No. Investors? No. The administration? No. Integration processes? No. Foreign policy? No. The citizen? Again, no. One party may gain three seats and another may lose three. But the Republic loses another six months. And Kosovo can no longer afford to lose time,” the analyst said.

According to Gashi, acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti is also under pressure to avoid another institutional crisis.

“There is a perception that Albin Kurti is the one dealing the cards and that others must choose among the alternatives he puts on the table. That is not the case. Kurti is also under pressure. He too must avoid elections. He too needs functioning institutions. He too needs a president to be elected. Therefore, this is one of those rare moments when almost all political actors have an objective interest in compromise,” Gashi said.

He also had a message for the LDK and its chairman, Lumir Abdixhiku, praising their pragmatism but calling for caution in dealing with Kurti.

“I understand Lumir Abdixhiku’s pragmatism. In fact, I think the LDK is right to try to bring the country out of the blockade. Politics without pragmatism does not exist. But there is a very fine line between pragmatism and submission. The LDK should be pragmatic with Kurti, but it should not be naive toward Kurti. Albin Kurti’s political history gives us no reason to believe that he sees politics as a sentimental process of the kind, ‘You helped me today, I’ll help you tomorrow.’ Kurti is a highly calculating politician,” he said.

Gashi added that the LDK should not count on automatic reciprocity once an agreement on the president is reached.

“Today he needs the LDK’s votes. Tomorrow, once the president has been elected and the institutions have become functional, the balance of power changes. In negotiations, there is a fundamental principle: A concession made today should not rely solely on the hope that the other side will be equally generous tomorrow. Therefore: Pragmatism—yes. Cooperation—yes. Compromise—yes. Political submission—no. The LDK should help Kosovo, but it must not become a reservoir of votes for the LVV,” Gashi said.

In his analysis, Gashi proposed returning the process to the negotiating table with the participation of all parties, beginning with the criteria for a president rather than with names.

“I would change the method completely. In such a delicate process, for several days I would remove almost everyone from the room: the media, analysts, polls, social networks, daily statements and political spectacle. Not because citizens do not have the right to know, but because serious negotiations need space. The more names are publicly floated, the more candidates are damaged. The more a leader publicly declares, ‘Never with this candidate,’ the more difficult it becomes to withdraw the next day without appearing to have capitulated,” he said.

In this process, Gashi sees Dr. Nikë Gjeloshi as one of the names that should also be seriously tested.

“One of the names that should be seriously tested in such a process is Dr. Nikë Gjeloshi. This is not an exotic idea or a name pulled out of nowhere today. His name has already been mentioned during the Kurti-Abdixhiku negotiations over the presidency. Recent reports have identified Gjeloshi as one of the names discussed while searching for a consensus candidate,” Gashi said.

He believes that Gjeloshi’s history in Kosovo’s institutions during the 1990s could be an element making him suitable for consideration in a broader consensus process.

“Why do I find him interesting? Because Gjeloshi possesses several elements that are rarely found in the same person. He was part of Kosovo’s state-building period in the 1990s and served as deputy prime minister and minister of defense in Bujar Bukoshi’s Government of Kosovo in exile. So he is not a figure who discovered Kosovo after 2008. He belongs to a period when Kosovo’s institutions existed under far more difficult conditions,” he said.

Gashi acknowledged that Gjeloshi had also had party engagements, but said that his distance from active politics could be an advantage.

“I am not presenting him as someone who has never had party ties—that would be inaccurate. But precisely his many years of distance from day-to-day party warfare could be an advantage. Nikë Gjeloshi does not currently represent an active center of power that poses an existential threat to any of the four main parties. He is not the LVV’s natural candidate. He is not a product of the LDK’s current apparatus. He is not a leading figure in the PDK. And despite his history with the AAK, he is not currently an active figure in the Alliance. This creates room that an active party candidate does not have,” Gashi said.

According to him, a consensus candidate is not necessarily someone all parties consider ideal.

“The consensus candidate is the person about whom each side can say: ‘He is not my ideal candidate, but I can live with him as President of the Republic.’ That is compromise. If the LVV wants a president who acts like the LVV, there is no consensus. If the LDK wants a president who acts like the LDK, there is no consensus. If the PDK expects only a president from its own history, there is no consensus. If the AAK wants only its own candidate, there is no consensus. Then we have only four parallel monologues,” the analyst stressed.

Gashi also addressed the court proceedings in The Hague, saying it would be dangerous for Kosovo’s institutions to be held hostage while awaiting such developments.

“It would be extremely dangerous for the Republic’s institutions to be held hostage while awaiting a judicial outcome that no one can predict today. We have no basis to say today that Thaçi will be released on September 16. Moreover, there is also another procedure against him related to the administration of justice. Therefore, a hypothetical strategy of ‘wait another two weeks, perhaps Thaçi will be released, perhaps the atmosphere will change, perhaps he will return to Kosovo, perhaps he will become a candidate for president’ would be a chain of speculations built on speculations. A state is not governed by five ‘perhapses.’ If Thaçi is released and returns to political life, politics will address that reality when it exists. But Kosovo must build its institutions according to today’s reality,” Gashi said.

Finally, he said that the election of the president should not become a contest over which party will consider itself the winner.

“This is no longer a test for Bekim Sejdiu. Nor is it only a test for Nikë Gjeloshi. It is a test for Albin Kurti. For Lumir Abdixhiku. For Bedri Hamza. For Ramush Haradinaj. And for Kosovo’s entire political class. Are these people capable, for one moment, of separating the party interest from the interest of the Republic?” Gashi said.

He stressed that the president should not be a party trophy and that all parties must be prepared to support a candidate even if they receive no political benefits from him.

“The biggest mistake we can make is to view the presidency as a trophy. If Kurti’s candidate is elected, ‘Kurti won.’ If the PDK’s candidate is elected, ‘the PDK won.’ If the LDK imposes a name, ‘Abdixhiku won.’ This mentality is precisely why Kosovo recycles crises. The president is not a championship cup to be placed at the headquarters of the winning party. The president is a constitutional institution that must function even on the day when the government and the opposition no longer speak to each other,” he said.

Gashi proposed reopening the process and considering all serious names, including Sejdiu and Gjeloshi.

“I would preserve confidentiality. I would invite all the groups. I would reopen the list of names. Bekim Sejdiu would remain on the table. Other serious candidates would also remain on the table. And, in my view, Nikë Gjeloshi would be among the first names that should be seriously tested for genuine consensus. Not because he is ‘the candidate against Sejdiu.’ Not because he is ‘the candidate against Kurti.’ And not because he belongs to another party. But precisely because there may be space where none of the major parties considers him the property of its opponent,” he stressed.

In conclusion, Gashi said that Kosovo does not need a president who gives victory to one party or leader, but a figure who can be accepted as a shared victory for the Republic.

“Kosovo does not need a president who gives Kurti the victory. Nor a president who gives Abdixhiku the victory. Nor one who rehabilitates the PDK. Nor one who satisfies the AAK. Kosovo needs a president whom, after the vote, all four can present to citizens and say: ‘We did not get everything we wanted. But the Republic won.’ If Kosovo’s politics reaches that point, then we will not have merely elected a president. We will have taken a step toward state maturity,” Gashi concluded.