Geci: It is time to reveal who is blocking Kosovo following opposition from six LDK MPs

The agreement reached between LVV and LDK on the candidacy of Bekim Sejdiu for president has sparked new clashes within the Democratic League of Kosovo. The opposition of six MPs from the party has also revived fears of a prolongation of the institutional blockade.

Halil Geci has reacted to the latest developments. He criticized the MPs who, according to him, are saying “no” to the political agreement and putting the functioning of Kosovo’s institutions at risk.

Geci said that party interests and political clashes cannot be placed above the interests of the state. According to him, a new crisis would also harm Kosovo’s international relations. In his reaction, published by “Bota sot,” he called for the “chaff to be separated from the sugar” and for it to become clear who is placing Kosovo above the party.

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The time has come to clearly understand who is obstructing Kosovo and who, knowingly or otherwise, is paving the way for the Russian agenda in the lands of Dardania.

When the state interest is pitted against political revenge, positions can no longer remain concealed. It must now be seen who is defending the interests of Kosovo and the West and who is creating space for the interests of Russia and Serbia.

Time will deliver its verdict. History will distinguish those who defended the state from those who chose political revenge over the national interest.

Rejecting a possible VV–LDK agreement on the election of the president would not merely constitute a disagreement between two parties. It would be a test of political responsibility, the functioning of institutions and Kosovo’s Euro-Atlantic orientation.

As the saying goes, the time has come to separate the chaff from the sugar.

Debates, rivalries and clashes between political parties and figures are part of politics. But when the state interest is put at risk, no political revenge should take precedence over Kosovo.

A long-awaited agreement between VV and LDK on a president acceptable to Kosovo’s institutions and citizens, if it were built on broad consensus, should not be lightly rejected.

Responsibility for such a situation does not belong solely to one party or one group of MPs. It falls on all those who choose party interests over the normal functioning of the state.

The decision by six LDK MPs not to support the position of the party leadership and a possible political agreement, if confirmed as reported, could have significant political consequences.

These MPs may pay for this position by losing the support of the citizens. However, the most serious consequence would not be personal or partisan, but the damage that could be caused to Kosovo.

The country cannot remain under an institutional blockade indefinitely. Every new political crisis weakens Kosovo’s international position, undermines trust in its institutions and gives an opportunity to those who want to portray it as a state incapable of creating political stability.

This is the main risk.

The Balkans remain an area where major geopolitical interests clash. Russian and Serbian influence seeks to preserve or expand its political, economic and propagandistic presence.

Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Bulgaria have different political realities and cannot be treated as a single group. Nevertheless, the weakening of Kosovo’s institutions could be exploited by its adversaries.

For this reason, Kosovo must act with particular caution.

Kosovo’s Euro-Atlantic orientation and its partnership with the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany remain strategically important. Every internal political crisis must be addressed responsibly and not used as a tool for revenge between parties.

Albin Kurti, despite the criticism directed at him, has positioned his politics in strong confrontation with Serbian influence and what he considers external interference in Kosovo.

Nevertheless, no leader can defend the state alone, no matter how powerful he may be. Kosovo’s stability requires strong institutions, political unity on strategic issues and the support of its allies.

Therefore, the main issue is not only who won a confrontation within LDK or VV. The more important question is who benefits and who is harmed by Kosovo’s blockade.

If every political agreement is considered a capitulation to the opponent, citizens have the right to know where party interest ends and the state interest begins.

An additional concern is the possibility that the new crisis could lead the country toward early elections. Elections are a fundamental part of democracy and are not a problem in themselves. The problem arises when they become necessary because of an inability to reach an institutional agreement and when Kosovo is forced to pay an unnecessary political, economic and diplomatic price.

In these circumstances, the opposition must show that it is a state-building alternative, not merely a force that blocks. Opposing the government is a democratic right, while obstructing institutions without presenting a credible solution is something else.

Kosovo does not need more personal conflicts, but functioning institutions.

It does not need political revenge, but responsibility.

It does not need new divisions, but a minimum of national consensus on its strategic interests.

If the six MPs, party leaderships or parliamentary groups choose a course that leads to an institutional blockade, the citizens will deliver the verdict.

This judgment should not be limited only to individuals. It should also encompass a political culture that, because of narrow interests, risks holding the state hostage.

Kosovo cannot behave as though it has unlimited time to resolve its problems.

In the Balkans, the space created by a political vacuum does not remain unfilled. When institutions are weakened, other actors try to exploit that space.

Therefore, today more than ever, a distinction must be made between those who place Kosovo above the party and those who place the party above Kosovo.

History and the citizens will provide the final answer.