Bytyçi: Vučić and Rama seek to weaken the state of Kosovo; proposal for Faton Bislimi must be seriously considered

University professor Prof. Dr. Enver Bytyçi says that the concerns expressed by U.S. Ambassador William Walker and former congressman of Albanian origin Joseph DioGuardi over the lack of a political agreement in Kosovo should be taken seriously. According to him, both have voiced concern about the parties’ inability to find a solution for the election of the president of the Republic of Kosovo.

Walker, known for exposing the Recak massacre and as a great friend of Albanians, has long called on Kosovo’s political entities to cooperate in overcoming the institutional deadlock. DioGuardi, who was also in Kosovo, expressed the same concern, but with a clearly visible dose of pessimism regarding the consequences of failing to form the institutions.

The two American figures have also put forward a specific name as a possible candidate for the presidency: Faton Bislimi, whom they consider a suitable candidate to lead the state.

“The concern of Walker and DioGuardi, as well as that of other European and American friends, is legitimate. Three sets of elections were held because the political class failed to find common ground. In the first case, the leadership and the government were not formed, while in the last two cases, the head of state was not elected,” Bytyçi says.

He says that, looking ahead, consideration should be given to how the Constitutional Court’s decision could be overturned, as, according to him, it unconstitutionally establishes the presence of two-thirds of deputies in the parliamentary chamber during the final round of the presidential election.

“If the president is elected in this round by an absolute majority, 50 + 1, why should deputies who oppose the candidacy also be present in the chamber? This is an absurdity provided for in Serbian platforms aimed at politically destabilizing Kosovo and it must be resolved. Perhaps this issue is worth addressing in the future,” he says.

According to Bytyçi, the immediate solution would be to reach an agreement, if possible among all political factions, on the election of a consensual president.

“This would give Kosovo a head of state who would depend solely on the Constitution and the law. In my assessment, a consensual president would be bound by the country’s Constitution and not by a particular political party,” he says.

The professor explains that Kosovo’s opposition supports the view that “Kurti wants to seize all the powers.” For this reason, he adds, opposition lawmakers refuse to support a candidate for president who does not come from their own party.

“They say they will not support a candidacy that does not belong to their party for the position of head of the Republic. Some of them even express satisfaction and say: ‘Just wait and see, Albin Kurti, whether you will succeed or not,’ rejoicing when the state remains dysfunctional because of this deadlock,” Bytyçi says.

He emphasizes that Kosovo is entering its second year in which it has been holding mainly electoral processes, while a solution to the institutional crisis has still not been found.

“There is now another attempt to go to elections, in the hope that citizens will grow tired, which could happen. In this way, opposition lawmakers hope that Albin Kurti will not be voted in as prime minister. Kurti, too, may have believed during the second elections that he would win on his own, but he now acknowledges that he cannot elect the president without support, regardless of the number of electoral rounds,” he says.

Meanwhile, Bytyçi says that the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) and the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) hold another belief regarding political developments.

“They believe that on September 16, Hashim Thaçi will return directly from The Hague to the chair of the president of Kosovo, which has remained vacant. Many absurdities and dreams of certain politicians are circulating in Kosovo, while the country is suffering from a lack of institutions and decision-making,” he says.

Bytyçi blames Aleksandar Vučić and Edi Rama for the crisis Kosovo is going through.

“I have said this before: the main author of this artificial crisis is Aleksandar Vučić, because he sponsored the absurd decision of the Constitutional Court. Edi Rama is also responsible, since he gives orders and directives to those blocking decision-making on the election of a consensual president,” he says.

According to the professor, both seek to disqualify the state of Kosovo and weaken its efforts to build a state. He adds that Rama also seeks to blame Albin Kurti, since the latter’s political model has challenged him and clearly labeled the Albanian prime minister a traitor to the Albanian cause in the Balkans and an arrogant politician in his relations with Kosovo and the citizens of Albania.

“The consequences of distorting the institutions, especially the institution of the presidency, are the defunctionalization of the state of Kosovo and the creation of favorable conditions for Serbia. This makes it easier for Serbia to lobby against Kosovo, which still has no seat at the UN,” Bytyçi says.

“This is precisely why our two American friends, Walker and DioGuardi, are concerned. Perhaps their proposal that Faton Bislimi lead the state of Kosovo should also be seriously considered,” he continues.

Bytyçi says that he himself previously proposed Faton Bislimi to lead the Democratic League of Kosovo.

“Party matters are not resolved through recommendations from outside. Nevertheless, I see Bislimi as a suitable person, with qualities and virtues valuable for that role. Regardless of my opinion, the most important thing is for the LDK and Kurti to reach an agreement and determine as soon as possible who should be elected president of the country,” he says.

The professor says he has heard that some LDK deputies do not wish to vote for any candidate who might emerge from a joint agreement.

“The head of the LDK proved objective and wise when he withdrew from a governing coalition that many people within the Democratic League did not want. This may have been a very smart move to eliminate excuses regarding the vote for the head of state,” Bytyçi says.

In this situation, he argues that any LDK deputy who refused to vote for a president acceptable to both parties would suggest that he or she had received an order from outside the political entity to prevent the formation of the institutions.

“There is no other reason, and there can be no other reason, for a deputy from VV or the LDK to reject a consensual candidacy for head of state. The coming week will be decisive in this regard.”