Bekim Sejdiu’s Candidacy Challenges LDK Unity and Abdixhiku’s Authority

The Vetëvendosje Movement and the Democratic League of Kosovo have agreed that Bekim Sejdiu should be the candidate for President of Kosovo, in an attempt to end the prolonged institutional crisis and deadlock.

However, the agreement between the two political parties does not guarantee that the candidacy will receive the necessary votes in the Assembly. LVV and LDK have a total of 71 MPs, while 80 votes are required in the first two rounds.

To reach this number, MPs from non-majority communities are expected to play a particularly important role, with some of them having declared their support for Sejdiu.

Within LDK, MP and former Prime Minister Avdullah Hoti has publicly opposed the agreement. Meanwhile, PDK has announced that it will not vote for the candidate.

PDK Chairman Bedri Hamza has said that his party is not part of the agreement and that its position has not changed.

AAK has taken a similar position. Its chairman, Ardian Gjini, has stated that the party does not feel bound by agreements reached by other political parties and recalled that AAK’s position has been clear since June 7.

Consequently, even after the agreement between LVV and LDK and the support of several community MPs, securing 80 votes remains the main obstacle to Bekim Sejdiu’s election.

Jakupi: Abdixhiku Faces His Main Political Test

Political analyst Zejnullah Jakupi says the debate over Bekim Sejdiu is not solely related to his suitability for the office of President. According to him, the candidacy has become entangled in LDK’s internal disputes and the party’s political relationship with Vetëvendosje.

Jakupi believes Sejdiu has become a symbol of the political course pursued by Lumir Abdixhiku, particularly the agreement with Albin Kurti and Vetëvendosje.

He emphasizes that some of the opposition within LDK does not necessarily stem from the candidate himself, but from disagreement with the party’s new political direction and the possibility that it could become part of a solution that would enable Kurti to lead the government.

According to him, a distinction must therefore be made between personal opposition to Sejdiu and rejection of the political agreement and the direction LDK is taking.

From a parliamentary perspective, Jakupi explains that the outcome depends on the degree of unity within LDK and on the votes of the communities. He adds that PDK and the rest of the opposition could influence the process through their votes, absence or boycott, while reaching the third round would make the election easier for Vetëvendosje.

“Vetëvendosje has 53 MPs, while LDK has 18, meaning that together they have 71 votes. Since 80 votes are required in the first two rounds, the VV-LDK agreement is not enough without the support of the communities,” Jakupi stated.

He believes that if LDK remains largely united and secures the majority of its 18 MPs, Sejdiu could be elected with the votes of the communities.

However, the situation would become more complicated if a significant number of LDK MPs voted against the candidate or did not participate in the process. If four LDK MPs do not support the candidate, the two parties would have 67 votes and would need another 13 votes from the communities to reach the threshold of 80.

Jakupi also considers the opposition’s position important, particularly that of PDK, which has 22 MPs. According to him, PDK does not have to vote for Sejdiu to influence the process, as absence or preventing a quorum from being formed in the first two rounds could be used as a political tool.

However, the analyst notes that an opposition boycott may not be enough if the process reaches the third round. At this stage, 61 votes are required, while Vetëvendosje, with 53 MPs, would theoretically need only eight additional votes.

“The main political test in this situation is for Lumir Abdixhiku. If he keeps the majority of LDK’s Parliamentary Group united behind the agreement, he will demonstrate that he has political control over the party and that LDK can influence decision-making even when facing a much larger force such as Vetëvendosje,” he told “Bota sot.”

If a large number of LDK MPs reject the agreement, however, Jakupi says the issue will no longer be limited to Sejdiu’s candidacy but will turn into a crisis of the party chairman’s authority.

Jakupi describes the process as a confrontation on two levels. At the institutional level, it concerns the election of the President, while at the party level, LDK’s future direction is at stake.

Regarding claims that the faction opposing Abdixhiku is influenced by PDK, he says there may be an alignment of political interests or an objective convergence with PDK’s interests, even if there is no formal coordination.

“The ultimate question is not only whether Bekim Sejdiu will be elected President. The key issue is whether Lumir Abdixhiku will manage to preserve LDK’s unity and use the agreement with Vetëvendosje to bring the party back to the center of political decision-making,” Jakupi concluded.

Makolli: Opposition Within LDK Is Also Related to Its Relationship With Vetëvendosje

Political analyst Vesel Makolli, speaking to “Bota sot,” criticized the situation in the Assembly of Kosovo, describing it as a “theater” with serious consequences for the country.

Makolli expressed concern over the prolonged institutional crisis and criticized Lumir Abdixhiku and Vjosa Osmani, saying they had not shown sufficient commitment to overcoming divisions within LDK.

According to him, such a situation requires dialogue, clarification of positions and concrete efforts to preserve the unity of the parliamentary group so that divisions do not affect the formation of institutions.

He said some LDK MPs are opposing Bekim Sejdiu because they consider him a non-consensual candidate aligned with the will of the majority.

Makolli also criticized the way Vetëvendosje is handling the process, warning that delays in meeting deadlines and a lack of clarification could prolong the institutional crisis and lead to new elections.

He said that Sejdiu, as a legal professional and former Constitutional Court judge, should have taken more seriously the constitutional violation that, according to Makolli, was caused by Vetëvendosje through the unnecessary extension of deadlines and a lack of proper communication with LDK.

According to the analyst, the presentation of the candidate has created the impression that he is not a figure seeking to unite the political forces in the Assembly, but rather a candidate close to the will of the majority.

Makolli emphasized that today’s meeting of the LDK leadership will be decisive either for the formation of institutions or for the continuation of the cycle of early elections.

“The opposition of some LDK MPs is not related solely to the candidate personally. It also concerns relations between the two parties. Bekim Sejdiu’s candidacy is not consensual in the full sense of the word and does not represent the political and principled interests of the Democratic League of Kosovo and its electorate,” Makolli stated.