Analyst examines divisions in LDK: Abdixhiku lost control, should have resigned right after the elections

The Democratic League of Kosovo is facing a new phase of tensions, as some delegates have begun collecting signatures to call an extraordinary Assembly, questioning the current leadership of the political entity.

Although the verification of signatures is still in process, the extraordinary meeting has not yet received an official date.

In a conversation with “Bota sot”, political analyst Gani Mehmeti interpreted the latest events within the LDK, stressing that the party is going through a delicate moment and that chairman Lumir Abdixhiku no longer has full control of the party structures.

According to him, the decline of the political force is not an unexpected phenomenon, but the consequence of a series of actions and events accumulated in the past.

Mehmeti notes that Abdixhiku rose to the helm of the LDK as a little-known figure in party activism, at a time when the organization had already entered a spiral of decline for previously identified reasons. He adds that his arrival in the top position was not received equally by all members, and the hidden dissatisfactions within the ranks only increased over the years.

This dissatisfaction, the analyst explains, was also fed by the weak electoral results that left the LDK regularly in third place. Immediately after the December 2025 elections, there were voices within the party that demanded Abdixhiku’s resignation. However, he did not resign, but waited for an evaluation from the party forum, where the majority did not accept his departure. This, according to Mehmeti, perhaps happened because no one wanted to take on the burden of the party in that state. Nevertheless, the analyst thinks that Abdixhiku himself should have clearly read the will of the membership and decided whether he still enjoyed the necessary support or should step down.

He emphasizes that opposition to the party leader has been growing even from well-known names in the LDK, some of whom harbor personal ambitions to lead the party. According to him, it is precisely the supporters of these figures and the opponents of Abdixhiku who have deposited about 150 signatures for the convening of the Assembly, where it will be decided whether he will stay at the helm, be dismissed, or resign. Mehmeti estimates that Abdixhiku has already lost real power in the party, as a single center of discontent is enough to attract enough people towards his dismissal.

Returning to key moments, he emphasizes that it would have been much more advantageous for Abdixhiku to leave voluntarily right after the December 28, 2025 elections, rather than waiting until now. Moreover, after emerging again with a disappointing result in the June 6 elections, an immediate departure would have avoided so many public debates on this issue.

Finally, the analyst warns that internal divisions could also have consequences on the functioning of Kosovo’s institutions. According to him, now that Abdixhiku has started talks with Albin Kurti for a possible entry into the government, the 150 signatures for the extraordinary Assembly force him to suspend negotiations, because he no longer enjoys the ear of a part of the party’s deputies. Without full discipline of the parliamentary group, there will be no votes either for the government coalition with Kurti or for the election of the country’s president. This situation, Mehmeti concludes, risks bringing a new institutional blockade that harms Kosovo both internally and in international relations and in obtaining funds from the European Union.