“Currently, Vetëvendosje has over 30,000 members and within it there are individuals who deserve key positions in government and state institutions, even that of the President. But LVV has a particular organizational model, with rare public appearances, due to a centralized system, therefore its cadres are not very visible on the public scene,” Zeqiraj said.

He points out that, although the basic law does not prevent the winning party from controlling the three most important state posts, such a scenario would be contrary to democratic principles.

“When discussing which LVV official could take the presidency, I believe this political force should be content with leading the government and the Assembly, as a result of the mandate won. The post of President, on the other hand, should be entrusted to the opposition. Although the Constitution does not prohibit it, logic and democratic health require that one of the three main functions be led by the opposition,” he added.

Zeqiraj also believes that acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti is using the advantage of numbers in the Assembly to dictate the process of electing the next president.

“LVV, together with its partners Guxo, Alternativa and non-Serb minorities, has secured 65 votes. In this situation, the opposition has practically no chance to realistically compete, as the outcome is predetermined,” he assesses.

Speaking about scenarios that would avoid a new electoral cycle, Zeqiraj states that opposition lawmakers may be put in a position to support the process even without their will.

“If the goal is to spare the country from repeated elections, the MPs, although not obliged, may stay in the hall to enable the election of the president, accepting the prime minister’s proposal,” he declared.

Nevertheless, in case the presidential candidate would come from within Vetëvendosje, Zeqiraj mentions a figure who, according to him, meets all standards for this duty.

“If the president were from the ranks of LVV, I think university professor Mazllum Baraliu would be a deserved choice. He has served as a senior cadre in the Constitutional Court and is a respected figure in the academic, legal and political spheres of Kosovo. He is distinguished for in-depth constitutional analyses and is known as a measured, balanced personality, open to citizens and officials, without party distinctions,” Zeqiraj concluded.

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In this context, the Vetëvendosje Movement initially held meetings with representatives of the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), while later meetings were also held with the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), with the aim of examining the possibilities for a political agreement.

Although talks have begun, no concrete agreement that could unblock the process of constituting the Assembly has been announced so far. Party representatives have reiterated their positions, but at the same time have left open the continuation of consultations in the coming days.

The formation of new institutions continues to depend on dialogue and compromise among political entities, while the upcoming meetings are expected to show whether there will be movement toward reaching an agreement.

Prime Minister Kurti has expressed optimism that talks with political parties will produce an agreement, but stressed that it is still not possible to speak of anything concrete.

Regarding this development, political analyst Arbnor Sadiku spoke to “Bota sot.”

According to him, the meetings between political leaders are a positive signal, but without compromise, especially from the winning party, the country could remain blocked and once again face new elections.

“It is good news that political leaders are sitting at the table after the elections, but it is not enough just to meet. As long as positions remain unchanged, the country will continue to remain deadlocked.

If political parties do not show flexibility to find a solution with the opposition for the constitution of the institutions, Kosovo risks going to elections again. Such a scenario would not be a victory for anyone, but a loss for the state and its citizens,” he said.

The analyst went on to call on political parties, and in particular the Vetëvendosje Movement as the leading force, to demonstrate responsibility and a willingness to compromise, underlining that the state interest should be placed above party and electoral interests.

“Therefore, I call on all political parties to show maturity and state responsibility, especially the Vetëvendosje Movement, because as the leading political force it also carries the greatest burden of responsibility for unblocking the situation.

Kosovo is far more important than the interests of any party. It has no value if an entity wins or loses 2–3% in the next elections while the state loses time, stability, investment, and the trust of its citizens. History will not judge parties by the percentages they win, but by the responsibility they show at decisive moments for the country,” Sadiku concluded for “Bota sot.”

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According to her, in the latest elections, the Vetëvendosje Movement secured 4,224 votes in the Municipality of Drenas, generally preserving the same percentage of support it had in the previous elections.

“In these elections, the Vetëvendosje Movement received 4,224 votes in the Municipality of Drenas. Overall, we managed to preserve the percentage result we had in the previous elections. But the low voter turnout affected both our municipality and the election result,” she stressed.

Terdevci underlined that low voter turnout had a direct impact on the election result, both for the party she represents and at the municipal level.

“An important development is that in the diaspora vote this time, not only did we emerge as the leading political force, but we also recorded an increase in the number of votes compared with all previous elections,” she said.

Speaking about the result, Terdevci said this indicator shows that the Vetëvendosje Movement has a stable voter base, which according to her is continuously expanding.

“We believe this is a gradual process and that citizen support for our program continues to expand. We expect to become the main political force in Drenas very soon as well,” she declared.

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In the June 7 elections, the Vetëvendosje Movement emerged as the leading force with 42.96 percent of the vote and secured 53 seats in the Assembly. Although it remains the largest party, it has four fewer mandates than in the December elections, when it won 57 seats.

The Democratic Party of Kosovo ranked second with 21.13 percent of the vote and is expected to have 22 lawmakers, maintaining the same number of mandates as in the previous legislature.

As the third political force, the Democratic League of Kosovo received 17.60 percent of the vote and secured 18 seats in the Assembly, three more than in the December elections.

The Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, which has recently also been presenting itself simply as the Alliance, won 7.16 percent of the vote and is expected to have seven lawmakers, one more mandate than in the previous legislature.

Guxo member Luan Gacaferi, in a statement to Bota Sot, said the diaspora played a decisive role in deepening Albin Kurti’s victory in the June 7 elections.

According to Gacaferi, the diaspora supports Kurti because it sees him as a defender of state interests, while the opposition has failed to win its trust because of rhetoric and attacks directed at the diaspora.

He believes this approach has backfired on the opposition like a “boomerang,” producing a negative effect both among the diaspora and among citizens living in Kosovo.

“It is true that the diaspora influenced the expansion of Mr. Kurti’s victory in the June 7 elections, because the diaspora sees Kurti as the man who protects Kosovo’s interests and not personal interests!

The diaspora has no interest other than the interest of the state, therefore they are neither sold nor bought!

Opposition parties have failed with the diaspora because they pay ‘analysts’ to go out every night and insult and label the diaspora with the most vulgar expressions possible!

Through its analysts, the opposition has tried to mobilize its militants by portraying the diaspora as a danger to the state of Kosovo and the number one danger to citizens residing in Kosovo!

Quite simply, this incitement by their analysts against the diaspora has boomeranged not only from Kosovo citizens in the diaspora, but also from Kosovo citizens living in Kosovo themselves, which is why they have failed shamefully,” he told Bota Sot.

On the other hand, political analyst Zejnullah Jakupi stressed that diaspora support for the Vetëvendosje Movement is tied to a combination of political, social and emotional factors.

In a conversation with Bota Sot, he said many members of the diaspora perceive LVV as a force that represents change, the fight against corruption and an alternative to traditional parties, which have been criticized for a lack of reforms and ineffective governance.

“The diaspora vote for the Vetëvendosje Movement cannot be explained by just one factor, but by a combination of political, emotional and social reasons. For many citizens outside Kosovo, LVV has managed to create the image of a new political force that represents change, the fight against corruption and a break from the traditional parties that have dominated the political scene for years.

Part of the diaspora sees LVV as an alternative to the old political elites, which have often been criticized for corruption, lack of reforms and insufficiently addressing economic and institutional problems. For many emigrants, who live in countries with higher standards of governance and transparency, these issues carry great weight,” he said.

Jakupi also said the opposition has failed to build a sustainable connection with the diaspora, as it has often engaged with it only during election campaigns.

According to him, the Vetëvendosje Movement has been more successful in conveying messages of justice and change, while traditional parties need to work harder to build trust with the diaspora, which now constitutes an important political factor in Kosovo.

“On the other hand, opposition parties may have failed to create a more sustainable connection with the diaspora. Often, their relationship with the diaspora has been seen more as electoral mobilization during election periods than as a long-term partnership. The diaspora does not seek only to vote, but to feel part of decision-making and the country’s development.

Another factor is political communication. LVV has been more successful in building a narrative connected to justice, equality and change, themes that have resonated especially with part of the younger diaspora. Meanwhile, traditional parties have often continued with messages and organizational models that have not adapted sufficiently to the reality of the diaspora.

However, the diaspora is not a politically uniform group, and support for a party can change over time. For opposition parties, the main challenge remains building trust through a more continuous approach to the diaspora, not only during election campaigns. In the end, the diaspora vote shows that it is now an important political factor and can no longer be treated as secondary support,” Jakupi concluded to Bota Sot.

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