The deadline for constituting the Assembly of Kosovo expires today, but even after a third round of talks, the leader of the Vetëvendosje Movement, Albin Kurti, and the leader of the Democratic League of Kosovo, Lumir Abdixhiku, have failed to reach a political agreement.

At the end of the meeting, acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti stressed the need for democratic balance and respect for the will expressed by citizens in the June 7 vote. He noted that there is a deep gap between the election result and the current demands, describing this as the main obstacle that has prevented an agreement so far. Nevertheless, Kurti added that hope should not be lost and that he remains optimistic that a solution can be found.

Referring to the previous occasion when Vjosa Osmani was elected president, Kurti recalled that the race had begun on the premise that the first candidate would become prime minister and the second president. Now, according to him, a broadly supported, nonpartisan president is needed. He suggested a consensus candidate with integrity and principles but declined to mention any specific name to avoid speculation. Kurti said he was doing everything possible to avert the emerging crisis.

Meanwhile, LDK leader Lumir Abdixhiku stated clearly after the meeting that his party is seeking the right to nominate the president as part of a coalition with LVV. He described the December offer, which included only the post of deputy prime minister and several ministries, as insufficient and undignified. According to Abdixhiku, if LVV wants to cooperate with LDK, the latter must be properly represented. While acknowledging that the post of prime minister belongs to LVV under the Constitution, he argued that the only way to ensure genuine representation is by nominating the president, who would then become the president of all Kosovo, rather than this being merely an empty proposal.

As the country waits to learn whether the session to constitute the Assembly will be held tonight, it is worth recalling that Prime Minister Kurti has held meetings only with LDK. This is because the Democratic Party of Kosovo had announced that it would remain in opposition, while the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo had set conditions and refused any meeting with Kurti.

Political analyst Lirim Gashi, speaking to “Bota sot,” commented on the positions of the two parties. He acknowledged that they have the right to hold programmatic differences with LVV but noted that democracy is not merely an electoral contest. According to him, refusing dialogue does not constitute a sound political solution.

Gashi drew a fundamental distinction between the opposition’s right not to join a coalition and its political obligation to communicate when the functioning of the state is at risk. He argued that Kosovo is not facing an ordinary party-political issue, but an institutional deadlock and an immediate need to establish functioning institutions and elect the president. For this reason, he views the refusal of dialogue as poor political conduct, regardless of who engages in it. According to him, it would be more responsible for all parties to sit down together without prejudging the outcome of the talks.

He stressed that agreeing to sit at the table does not mean endorsing an opponent’s platform, but rather recognizing that the state comes before the party. Such a step would even be in the opposition’s interest, as it could attend the meeting to state its objections clearly while also discussing areas of agreement. Gashi emphasized that when one side refuses communication on the grounds of disagreement, political conflict is created; when it accepts dialogue for the sake of the state, that is institutional democracy. He noted that responsibility does not rest solely with PDK and AAK; LVV must also be ready for a genuine compromise, not merely formal consultations. A serious agreement requires each side to give something up, and the same demand must be made of LVV: it should not merely seek support but offer the compromise that would make such support possible.

Asked whether the country would head to new elections because of the failure to form institutions and the lack of consensus on the president, and whether the election result would change significantly, Gashi replied that elections could produce changes, but that did not mean the result would be identical.

He avoided making a categorical prediction but stressed that elections are not a mechanically repeated opinion poll. Looking at the June 7 result, in which LVV convincingly won 53 seats, PDK 22, LDK 18 and AAK 7, he sees no strong reason to expect a dramatic reversal in the balance of power. However, he warned that new elections would take place in a completely different atmosphere, with citizens now aware of what happens when parties fail to build a compromise. Therefore, the main question for each party would no longer be merely how many votes it receives, but also what it will do with those votes. If citizens experience the same deadlock after the elections, they may punish not only the losing parties but also the way those parties used their mandate. Accordingly, Gashi expects more of an internal shift in votes than an inevitable upheaval of the political system.

Describing new elections as a gamble for all sides, Gashi said that some parties could gain or lose points, but a radical change would be more difficult to predict without a major political development. There is also a paradox: if the opposition believes elections would significantly improve its position, it should bear in mind that they could strengthen LVV even further. Conversely, if LVV believes it can easily win an absolute majority, there is no guarantee. For him, the biggest gamble is not who will win more seats, but whether Kosovo will emerge from the elections with functioning institutions or enter a new cycle of deadlock. Therefore, he would prefer the parties to use every last opportunity to reach an agreement before sending the country back to the polls. He concluded that elections are the democratic instrument for resolving political disagreements, but they should not become a means of avoiding political compromise, because citizens vote for someone to assume responsibility for governing the country.

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The deadline for constituting Kosovo’s Assembly expires tonight. However, even the third attempt failed to produce a political agreement between LVV leader Albin Kurti and LDK leader Lumir Abdixhiku.

After the meeting, Kurti, who is also acting prime minister, said that a democratic balance must be established and that the will of the citizens expressed in the June 7 elections must be taken into account.

According to him, the main obstacle to reaching an agreement so far has been the significant gap between each party’s result and its specific ambitions. Despite this, he said that hope must not be lost and that the parties should remain optimistic about the possibility of reaching an agreement.

Speaking about the issue of the president, Kurti recalled that Osmani had been elected to the post after the race was structured in such a way that the first-place finisher would become prime minister and the second would become president.

This time, according to the LVV leader, a consensus figure—not a party candidate—is needed for the post of president. He said he knew a number of people with the values and principles required to carry out the task, but did not want to mention specific names so that it would not later be said that the candidacy had been proposed by Albin Kurti.

Kurti also stressed that he was doing everything possible to find a way out of the situation that had arisen.

On the other hand, after the meeting, Lumir Abdixhiku announced that the LDK wanted the right to nominate the president if a coalition with LVV was formed.

He described the December offer, under which the LDK would receive only the post of deputy prime minister and several ministries, as insufficient and undignified.

Abdixhiku said that his party could neither accept nor consider such an offer. According to him, if the LDK’s involvement was being sought, it should have representation. He acknowledged that the post of prime minister did not belong to the LDK and that, under the Constitution, the premiership belonged to LVV, while the only possibility for representation was a proposal for the presidency—but not a blank-check proposal, since the president should belong to all of Kosovo.

It remains to be seen whether the session on constituting the Assembly will be held tonight. So far, Prime Minister Albin Kurti has met only with representatives of the Democratic League of Kosovo. The Democratic Party of Kosovo has declared that it will remain in opposition, while the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo has set conditions and refused any meeting with Kurti.

Political analyst Lirim Gashi spoke to “Bota sot” about the positions of the PDK and AAK. He believes that the two parties have the right to disagree with LVV programmatically, but stresses that democracy is not limited to electoral competition alone.

According to Gashi, a clear distinction must be made between the opposition’s right not to join a coalition with LVV and its political responsibility to communicate when the functioning of the state is at risk. As he said, the PDK and AAK may have programmatic disagreements, may not want to enter a coalition government, and may set the conditions under which they would or would not support a particular solution, since this is normal in a democracy.

However, the analyst stressed that democracy also entails the ability to reach a compromise when the institutional interest requires it. He pointed out that Kosovo was not facing an ordinary party dispute, but an institutional blockade, the need to establish functioning institutions, and the election of a president.

For this reason, Gashi does not consider refusing dialogue to be a good political solution, regardless of which side it comes from. According to him, the most responsible course would be for all the parties to sit down at a common table without predetermining the outcome of the discussions.

He explained that taking part in talks does not mean accepting the opponent’s program, but recognizing that the state stands above party interests. In fact, he said, such a meeting would also serve the opposition, which could clearly state which issues it did not accept and on which matters it was willing to negotiate.

Gashi explained that when one side refuses to talk simply because it disagrees with the other, the situation remains at the level of political conflict. By contrast, when the parties communicate despite their differences in order to find a solution in the state’s interest, this constitutes institutional democracy.

However, he stressed that responsibility could not be placed solely on the PDK and AAK. LVV, he said, must also demonstrate a willingness for a genuine compromise and not hold consultations merely to prove to the public who was to blame. A serious agreement requires each side to give something up.

Gashi’s position is that the opposition does not have to join the government if it does not want to, but it should agree to sit at the negotiating table when the aim is to unblock the institutions. He directed the same request at LVV: not to seek only the opposition’s votes, but also to offer the compromise that would make such support possible.

Asked whether new elections, triggered by the failure to form institutions and the lack of consensus on a president, would significantly change the results or leave the balance between the political forces almost unchanged, Gashi said that a new electoral process could produce shifts.

He avoided making a categorical prediction, arguing that elections are not a poll that is mechanically repeated. According to him, changes are possible, particularly when citizens vote after a prolonged period of institutional crisis.

Referring to the results of the June 7 elections, Gashi said that he currently saw no strong reason to believe that holding new elections alone would enable either side to spectacularly overturn the existing political balance. LVV came convincingly first with 53 seats, the PDK won 22, the LDK 18, and the AAK 7.

Despite these figures, he underlined that a new result would not necessarily be identical. The next elections would take place in a completely different climate, as citizens had already seen the consequences of the parties’ inability to build a compromise.

According to Gashi, the question for each party would not be only how many votes it could win, but also what it would do with those votes. If, after a new electoral process, citizens once again faced the same deadlock, they could punish not only the losing parties but also the way in which political entities had used the mandate entrusted to them.

For this reason, the analyst expects more shifts in votes within the existing political landscape than an inevitable overturning of the entire political system.

Gashi said that some parties could gain a few percentage points while others could lose them, and that the electorate could become mobilized or demobilized. However, without a major political development, a radical change would remain much more difficult to predict.

He also drew attention to a paradox: if opposition parties believe that new elections would significantly improve their position, they must also consider the possibility that they could further strengthen LVV. At the same time, if LVV believes it can secure an absolute majority without difficulty, there is no guarantee that this will happen.

For Gashi, new elections represent a gamble for all parties. According to him, the main risk is not only linked to the number of seats each entity might win, but to whether Kosovo will emerge from the elections with functioning institutions or once again enter a new cycle of blockades.

For this reason, he would prefer the parties to exhaust every opportunity for an agreement before taking the country back to elections. Gashi concluded that elections are a democratic tool for resolving political disputes, but they should not be used as a way to avoid compromise. In the end, as he stressed, citizens do not vote only to determine the winner, but also so that someone will take responsibility for governing the country.

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The final deadline for the constitution of Kosovo’s Assembly expires tonight. However, the third attempt also failed to produce a political agreement between LVV leader Albin Kurti and LDK leader Lumir Abdixhiku.

Following the meeting, Kurti, who is also acting prime minister, said that a democratic balance must be ensured and that the will expressed by citizens in the June 7 elections must be taken into account.

He assessed that the main obstacle to reaching an agreement so far has been the significant difference between each party’s result and its concrete objectives. Nevertheless, Kurti said that hope must not be lost and that optimism for a political agreement must be maintained.

Referring to the election of Vjosa Osmani as president, Kurti recalled that at the time the race had been designed so that the candidate with the number 1 would become prime minister, while the candidate with the number 2 would assume the post of president.

According to him, this time the head of state should be elected through consensus and should not be a party representative. Kurti said he knows a number of people with the values and principles needed to carry out this duty, but does not want to mention specific individuals so that it would not later be said that the candidacy had been determined by him.

Kurti also declared that he was doing everything possible to resolve the situation that had arisen.

On the other hand, following the meeting, Lumir Abdixhiku said that, in the event of a coalition with LVV, the LDK is demanding the right to nominate the president.

The LDK leader described December’s offer, under which his party would receive only the post of deputy prime minister and several ministries, as insufficient and unworthy. He stressed that the LDK cannot accept such treatment and that, if its involvement is being sought, it must have genuine representation.

Abdixhiku explained that the post of prime minister does not belong to the LDK, while that of Assembly speaker belongs to LVV under the Constitution. According to him, the only possibility for representation is the right to make a proposal, but not a blank-check proposal, since the president must represent all of Kosovo.

It remains to be seen whether the session on the constitution of the Assembly will be held tonight. So far, Prime Minister Albin Kurti has held meetings only with the Democratic League of Kosovo, as the Democratic Party of Kosovo has declared that it will remain in opposition, while the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo has set conditions and opposed any meeting with him.

Commenting to “Bota sot” on the positions of the PDK and AAK, political analyst Lirim Gashi said that these parties have the right to disagree with LVV’s program, but emphasized that democracy is not limited to electoral competition alone.

Gashi distinguished between the opposition’s right not to form a coalition with LVV and its political responsibility to communicate when the functioning of the state is at risk. According to him, it is entirely normal for the PDK and AAK to have programmatic differences, not to want to share government with LVV, and to set the conditions under which they would or would not support a particular solution.

However, the analyst stressed that democracy also means the ability to compromise whenever the institutional interest requires it. He noted that Kosovo is not facing an ordinary party dispute, but an institutional blockade, the need to establish functioning institutions, and the necessity of electing a president.

For this reason, Gashi does not consider refusing dialogue to be a good political solution, regardless of which side it comes from. According to him, the most responsible course would be for all parties to sit down at a common table without prejudging the outcome of the talks.

He explained that taking part in a meeting does not mean accepting the opponent’s program, but accepting the principle that the state stands above party interests. Indeed, according to Gashi, such a meeting would also serve the opposition, which could clearly demonstrate which issues it does not accept and on which it is prepared to discuss.

In his assessment, refusing to communicate with someone solely because of disagreements produces political conflict. By contrast, dialogue with an opponent to find a way out in the state’s interest represents institutional democracy.

Gashi added that the burden of responsibility cannot be left solely to the PDK and AAK. LVV, he said, must also demonstrate a willingness for genuine compromise, rather than merely engaging in consultations that are used publicly to identify the guilty party. A serious agreement, he said, requires each side to give something up.

The analyst summarized his position by saying that the opposition is not obliged to enter government if it does not wish to, but it must accept dialogue when the aim is to unblock the institutions. He directed the same demand at LVV: it should not be satisfied with seeking opposition support, but should offer the compromise that would make such support possible.

Asked whether new elections, triggered by the failure to form institutions and the lack of consensus on a president, would significantly change the election result or leave the current political balance almost unchanged, Gashi said there could be shifts, but not necessarily an identical result.

He avoided making a categorical prediction, arguing that elections do not function like a poll that is mechanically repeated. According to him, changes are possible, especially when citizens vote after a prolonged period of institutional crisis.

Taking the result of the June 7 elections as his starting point, Gashi said that he currently sees no strong reason to expect that holding new elections alone would produce a spectacular reversal in the balance of forces. LVV came convincingly first with 53 seats, the PDK secured 22, the LDK 18, while the AAK won 7.

Nevertheless, he stressed that a new vote would take place under completely different circumstances, because citizens have now seen the consequences of the parties’ inability to build compromise. For this reason, the question facing each party would not concern only the number of votes it might receive, but also how it would use them.

Gashi warned that, if voters face the same deadlock again after the elections, they could punish not only the parties that lost, but also the way political entities exercised the mandate given to them by citizens. For this reason, he expects more of a shift in votes within the existing political landscape than an inevitable overturning of the political system.

According to the analyst, some parties may gain several points while others may lose them, and the electorate may become more or less mobilized. However, without a major political development, he considers it very difficult to predict a radical change.

Gashi also highlighted a paradox: if the opposition believes that new elections would significantly improve its political position, it must also consider the possibility that they could further strengthen LVV. On the other hand, if LVV believes it can easily achieve an absolute majority, there is no guarantee that this will happen.

For this reason, he described new elections as a gamble for everyone. According to Gashi, the main risk is not only the question of who will secure more seats, but whether Kosovo will emerge from them with functioning institutions or once again become caught in a new cycle of blockades.

In conclusion, Gashi said he would like the parties to use every remaining opportunity for an agreement before sending the country back to elections. He stressed that elections are a democratic means of resolving political disputes, but should not be used to avoid compromise. According to him, citizens do not vote only to determine the winner, but also so that someone assumes responsibility for governing the country.

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The Alliance has decided not to attend the meeting to which it was invited again today by acting Prime Minister and Vetëvendosje Movement leader Albin Kurti.

Media has learned that the party rejected Kurti’s invitation, just as it did the first time.

In the letter sent to Ardian Gjini, Kurti proposed that the meeting be held tomorrow or on Wednesday afternoon.

In the letter, Kurti addresses Gjini as chairman of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo and, after wishing that the message finds him well, mentions that on Thursday, August 6, the session for the constitution of the Assembly of the 11th legislature will be held. For this reason, he invites Gjini to the Prime Minister’s Office to discuss the way forward, in a 1+1 format, in which the AAK chairman may be accompanied by one associate. The proposed times for the meeting are Tuesday at 18:00 or 19:00, as well as Wednesday afternoon at 14:00, 15:00, 16:00 or 17:00. In conclusion, Kurti expresses hope for a positive response, sends his regards to Gjini and signs the letter with the name Albin Kurti.

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He said the country ended up in the December 28 elections as a result of LDK’s refusal to become part of a governing coalition with LVV.

Rrustemi also assessed that LDK’s result in the June 7 elections was weaker compared to what it had received in the February 9, 2025 elections.

“We went to the December 28 elections because of LDK’s refusal to come to meetings and to enter into joint governance with LVV. LDK must explain to citizens why it did not join the government with LVV in 2025. After December 28, this was no longer necessary; nevertheless, we offered cooperation because of the need to unblock the process of electing the president of Kosovo. There were endless discussions, but there was no willingness. LDK is weaker than it was in the February 9, 2025 elections,” Rrustemi declared.

Asked when LVV would begin talks with the opposition parties, he said that it would first be examined whether they have reflected and whether they are ready to give up political blockades.

“We will begin talks with the opposition political parties in the hope that they have reflected, and we will of course also look at their positions beyond the public ones and see whether the opposition is looking for new reasons for further blockades or whether it has truly reflected and decided to give up the blockade and give the country institutions…. the problem is not that we wanted the three positions, but it is normal that a governing political program that has won the elections, especially in a system like ours where a result above 50% is rare and only VV has achieved it, even in the time of the historic president Ibrahim Rugova there was not such a result, that is 50%,” he said, among other things.

Regarding the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue, Rrustemi said that the Democratic Party of Kosovo continues to describe the Kurti Government’s approach to this process as wrong.

“PDK considers Kurti’s approach in the dialogue with Serbia to be wrong. They have said it continuously and continue to declare publicly that the current dialogue is being conducted wrongly and that the approach that existed before 2020 should have continued. We think the opposite. We assess that until 2020 the dialogue in Brussels was wrongly conceived, where Kosovo was not an equal party. Since 2021, when we came to government, that cycle of previous concepts for dialogue with Serbia has been interrupted,” Rrustemi said.

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