Albulena Haxhiu’s return to the position of speaker of the Assembly of Kosovo has raised an important constitutional question: does a new six-month period begin for her as acting president, or does the term that began on April 4 end on October 4, regardless of her re-election?

The Constitution sets a clear time limit but does not explicitly address the unusual situation in which Kosovo finds itself. For this reason, legal experts have split into two different camps.

Article 90, paragraph 3, of the Constitution states: “The office of acting President of the Republic of Kosovo may not be exercised for a period longer than six months.”

The debate centers on a single distinction, but one of great importance: the provision refers to the “office” and not the “person.”

According to the first interpretation, the re-election of the speaker of parliament creates a new institutional situation and, along with it, a new six-month period for exercising the duties of president.

This view has been supported by former Constitutional Court President Enver Hasani, as well as former Constitutional Court judge Kadri Kryeziu. According to them, an elected or re-elected speaker of parliament begins the duties of acting president anew, meaning that the six-month countdown should also restart.

The main argument for this position concerns the continuity of institutions. Under this approach, Kosovo cannot be left without an official exercising the powers of head of state.

A contrary position is held by legal experts from the Kosovo Democratic Institute and the Kosovo Law Institute. They assess that the six-month limitation refers to the office of acting president itself, rather than to the individual mandate of the speaker of parliament.

Under this interpretation, the term began on April 4 and ends on October 4. The fact that the same person was re-elected as speaker of parliament does not reset the term to day one.

The constitutional wording appears to lean more toward this interpretation. The drafters did not stipulate that “a person” may not exercise the office for more than six months, but that “the office of acting president” may not be held for a period longer than that.

This is not merely a matter of terminology. If every election or re-election of the speaker of parliament restarted the term, the constitutional limit would lose its purpose.

In such a scenario, the parliamentary majority could re-elect the same person or change the speaker of parliament every six months, keeping the country indefinitely under the leadership of an acting official.

Thus, a solution intended to be temporary would become a permanent form of governance. This is precisely the situation the six-month limit is intended to prevent, by requiring institutions and parliamentary parties to elect a president with a full mandate.

However, the Constitution contains a significant gap. Article 90 is titled “Temporary absence of the President” and primarily addresses cases in which the sitting president is temporarily unable to exercise their responsibilities.

The current case is different, because the mandate of the elected president has ended while a successor has not yet been elected.

The founding document does not clarify what happens if six months pass and the Assembly fails to elect a president. Nor does it determine who exercises the powers of head of state after that period, or provide a direct mechanism to prevent an institutional vacuum.

This makes the argument for preserving the continuity of institutions understandable. The state must function, while certain presidential powers are essential to the constitutional order, security, foreign policy and the establishment of institutions.

But the need for institutional functioning cannot, by itself, change the content of a limitation set out in the Constitution.

It should also be borne in mind that Albulena Haxhiu was re-elected as speaker of parliament, not as president of the Republic. The presidential mandate is acquired through a separate constitutional procedure, which includes nomination, a secret ballot in the Assembly and the majority specified in Article 86.

For this reason, the election of the speaker of parliament cannot replace the procedure for electing the president. The claim that Haxhiu’s re-election automatically secures another six months for her in the presidency remains a legal interpretation and not an established fact, regardless of the authority of the experts who support it.

The same applies to the opposing position. In the absence of a Constitutional Court ruling on this specific case, the conclusion that Haxhiu cannot continue in office after October 4 cannot be considered final and binding either.

The safest solution would be to elect a new president before the end of the six-month period. Kosovo should not wait until the final days to find out whether, after October 4, it will have a president, an acting president with a disputed mandate or a vacuum at the head of state.

If the president cannot be elected within this period, the matter should be referred to the Constitutional Court as soon as possible. Only this court can provide an authoritative interpretation that binds the institutions and prevents challenges to decisions or decrees issued after October 4.

Without such a solution, any action taken by the acting president after the expiration of the term could be challenged on constitutional grounds. The consequences would not be limited to an academic debate among legal experts, but could develop into a crisis affecting the functioning of the state.

The interpretation that the six-month limit is linked to the office and not the person appears more convincing, both on the basis of the provision’s wording and its purpose.

The re-election of the speaker of parliament should not be used to restart a constitutional limitation from zero. Otherwise, the six-month term could be repeated whenever the parties fail to reach an agreement, while the institution of the presidency would remain indefinitely in the hands of an acting official.

Nevertheless, the constitutional gap and the conflicting interpretations mean that this assessment cannot replace a decision by the Constitutional Court.

The primary responsibility lies with the political parties, which must elect the president within the prescribed period. The Constitution is not intended to enable them to avoid reaching an agreement, but to push them to establish institutions with a full mandate and legitimacy.

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Lumir Abdixhiku will remain at the helm of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) after receiving the support of delegates at the Extraordinary Assembly to continue his term as party leader. In Thursday’s vote, 170 delegates opposed his dismissal, while 152 voted in favor of removing him.

The result brought the attempt to dismiss Abdixhiku to an end, making him the fourth chairman in LDK history to continue leading the party. His reconfirmation comes amid internal debates and clashes over the leadership and political direction of the party.

In his first appearance before the media after the Assembly concluded, Abdixhiku thanked the delegates for their confidence. According to him, the way the process was conducted demonstrated the level of internal democracy within the LDK.

The LDK leader stressed that the delegates’ decision concerned not only the continuation of his term but also determined the policy course the party would pursue in the period ahead.

Abdixhiku said that, for the second time this year, the LDK had demonstrated the highest level of democracy. He said the delegates had decided democratically on both the leadership and the party’s policy direction, adding that he was pleased with the result and grateful for the confirmation of January’s outcome.

According to political analysts, the continuation of Abdixhiku’s term provides an opportunity for continuity within the LDK, but the main challenges remain internal reform, strengthening unity and preparing for the upcoming elections.

They believe his continued leadership prevents a new political crisis within the party. However, Abdixhiku must now reorganize its structures and manage the differences that exist within the LDK.

Political analyst Faton Mehmeti, speaking to “Bota sot,” described Abdixhiku’s reconfirmation as a significant development for the party’s future.

According to Mehmeti, Lumir Abdixhiku’s re-election currently represents the “lesser evil” for the LDK. He said that if Abdixhiku had not been confirmed as leader, developments within the party would have taken an entirely different direction, the country would automatically have headed to elections, and responsibility for that would have been attributed to the LDK.

Mehmeti warned that such a scenario would harm the party’s result in the next elections. He also claimed that there are figures within the LDK who are not acting in its interests.

The analyst said everything would depend on Abdixhiku’s willingness to manage the situation and purge the party of certain individuals who, according to him, are serving the PDK more than the LDK itself.

Mehmeti added that Abdixhiku would have more time for internal reforms if a political agreement were reached that avoided new elections and enabled a full term in government.

He explained that if elections are not held and the issue of the president is resolved, creating a four-year term, Lumir Abdixhiku will find it easier to reorganize and expand the LDK for a new era.

Political analyst Eduart Gashi, also speaking to “Bota sot,” said Abdixhiku’s reconfirmation showed that most of the LDK’s structures support his political direction.

Gashi described Lumir Abdixhiku’s continued leadership of the Democratic League of Kosovo as an important political development that, in his view, can be examined from several perspectives.

He said the result signals support from most of the party’s internal structures for Abdixhiku’s political line and for efforts aimed at reforming the LDK following the results of the previous elections. According to Gashi, this new mandate allows him to continue his opposition strategy and preparations for upcoming electoral challenges.

According to Gashi, one of the main issues following this process is the risk that divisions within the LDK could deepen. He stressed that this would be determined by how the leadership handles internal differences.

Gashi explained that in a party with a long tradition such as the LDK, it is natural for there to be factions and figures with differing views. The level of unity, he said, will depend on how the new leadership includes or accommodates the other wings.

If the new leadership’s course is considered successful and inclusive, dissatisfaction may diminish. Conversely, if certain figures feel sidelined, friction or individual defections may emerge.

According to him, Abdixhiku’s continued leadership shows that the LDK intends to maintain the continuity of its modernization process. However, the real test of its unity and political strength will be the results of the upcoming national and local elections.

Gashi emphasized that the membership’s initiative to convene the Extraordinary Assembly, along with the way it was organized, demonstrated political maturity.

In his assessment, the LDK successfully passed a “test of democracy,” demonstrating how internal party democracy is implemented in practice. The convening of the Extraordinary Assembly at the membership’s initiative and the calm, orderly participation were, according to him, signs of this maturity.

He said the existence of different blocs and factions within a party is precisely the foundation on which democracy operates. What is important, according to him, is that the result is accepted and respected once voting has concluded.

In conclusion, Gashi told “Bota sot” that democracy does not mean constant obstruction or simply taking an “against” position. On the contrary, it requires finding the best possible solution, a “win-win” situation for everyone, especially for the country, its future and the building of a better tomorrow in the service of the people and generations to come.

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Lumir Abdixhiku will continue to lead the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) after once again securing the confidence of delegates at the party’s Extraordinary Assembly. In Thursday’s vote, 170 delegates opposed his dismissal, while 152 voted in favor of removing him.

The result brought the attempt to oust Abdixhiku to an end. His reconfirmation makes him the fourth leader in LDK history to continue at the helm of the party, at a time when it has faced internal debates and clashes over its leadership and political direction.

In his first appearance before the media following the Assembly’s decision, Abdixhiku thanked the delegates for their support and described the process as evidence of the level of internal democracy within the LDK.

According to him, through their vote, the delegates decided not only who would lead the party but also the policy direction it would pursue in the coming period.

“For the second time this year, the LDK demonstrated the highest level of democracy. The delegates to the LDK Assembly democratically set the direction not only for the leadership but also for the party’s policy orientation. I am pleased with the result and grateful that they confirmed the January result,” Abdixhiku told the media.

Political analysts believe that Abdixhiku’s continued tenure creates an opportunity for stability and continuity within the LDK. However, according to them, the main challenges remain internal reform, consolidating unity and preparing the party for the upcoming elections.

They believe that his remaining at the helm averts another political crisis within the party, while at the same time placing responsibility on Abdixhiku to reorganize its structures and manage internal differences.

Political analyst Faton Mehmeti, speaking to “Bota Sot,” described Abdixhiku’s reconfirmation as an important moment for the future of the Democratic League of Kosovo.

“Lumir’s re-election is currently the lesser evil for the LDK. Had he not been confirmed as party leader, we would have had a completely different story for the LDK. The country would automatically have gone to elections, and the LDK would have been blamed for it,” Mehmeti said.

He warned that such a development would have had negative consequences for the LDK’s future election result. Mehmeti also said that there are figures within the party who, in his view, do not act in its interests.

“Everything depends on how willing Lumir is to manage the party and purge it of certain people who are serving the PDK more than the LDK itself,” he said.

Mehmeti added that Abdixhiku would have more time for internal reforms if a political agreement were reached that avoided new elections and enabled a full term in government.

“If there are no elections and the issue of the president is resolved, creating a four-year term, then it will be easier for Lumir to reorganize the party and expand it for a new era,” Faton Mehmeti said.

Meanwhile, political analyst Eduart Gashi told “Bota Sot” that Abdixhiku’s re-election demonstrates that most of the LDK’s structures support his political direction.

“The reconfirmation of Lumir Abdixhiku at the helm of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) is an important political development that can be analyzed from several perspectives,” Gashi said.

According to him, the result shows that most of the party’s internal structures support Abdixhiku’s political course and his efforts to reform the party following the results of the previous elections.

“Abdixhiku’s re-election signals that most of the party’s internal structures support his political line and his efforts to reform the LDK following the results of the previous elections. This gives him a new mandate to continue his opposition strategy and prepare for the upcoming electoral challenges,” he said.

Gashi said that the possibility of divisions deepening is among the main issues raised following this process. According to him, further developments will depend on how the leadership handles differences within the party.

“As for the possibility of divisions deepening, that depends on several key factors,” he said.

Gashi emphasized that in a party with a long tradition, such as the LDK, it is natural for there to be factions and figures with differing positions. According to him, the degree of unity will be determined by how the new leadership includes or accommodates the other wings.

“In every party with a long tradition, such as the LDK, there are factions and figures with different views. The way the new leadership includes or accommodates the other wings will determine the level of unity,” he said.

According to Gashi, dissatisfaction could be eased if the leadership’s course is seen as successful and inclusive. Conversely, excluding certain figures could lead to friction or individual estrangement.

“If the path pursued by the new leadership is seen as successful and inclusive, the potential for dissatisfaction will decrease. Conversely, if certain figures feel sidelined, there may be friction or individual estrangement,” he said.

He added that Abdixhiku’s continued tenure as party leader indicates the LDK’s intention to continue its modernization. However, the main test of its unity and political strength will be its result in the upcoming national and local elections.

“Abdixhiku’s remaining at the helm means that the LDK intends to maintain continuity in its modernization process, but the true test of its unity and political strength will be the party’s performance in the upcoming national and local elections,” Gashi added.

The analyst stressed that the membership’s initiative to hold the Extraordinary Assembly, as well as the way the process was organized, demonstrated political maturity.

“Moreover, this process showed that the LDK passed a ‘test of democracy’ with complete success, demonstrating how internal party democracy truly works,” he said.

“The convening of an Extraordinary Assembly at the initiative of the membership, as well as the calm and organized participation, demonstrates political maturity,” Gashi continued.

He said that democracy within the party is sustained precisely by the existence of different factions and blocs, while emphasizing the importance of accepting and respecting the result of the vote.

“The existence of different blocs or factions within a party is precisely what keeps democracy alive. What matters is that, following the voting process, the result is accepted and respected,” he said.

“Democracy does not mean constant obstruction or simply being ‘against.’ On the contrary, it means finding the best possible solution, a win-win situation for everyone—especially for the country, its future and the building of a better tomorrow for the benefit of the people and the generations to come,” Gashi concluded for “Bota Sot.”

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