Following the marathon protests known as the “Flamingo Revolution,” Prime Minister Rama has promised a new platform for communicating with citizens, but experts warn that it is a new version of an old idea that does not solve governance problems.

Rama made the announcement on August 24, during a meeting in Pogradec with the government cabinet and Socialist Party leaders. He said every request or concern submitted through the platform would be tracked in real time and receive a response.

“People’s requests and complaints cannot be like bottles containing final messages that were thrown from ships as they sank in the ocean,” the prime minister said.

However, “PasqyrAlbania” is not viewed as a genuine innovation, but as a new name for an earlier promise.

Since the end of 2021, the government has operated the “Albania We Want” platform, a state mechanism supported by the law on co-governance.

The political promises and legal framework at the time envisaged precisely this kind of direct, real-time communication between citizens and institutions.

Under those plans, citizens would receive answers to their problems and would also be able to influence the drafting of government policies.

Asked what had failed to work with the “Albania We Want” platform and what the new initiative aims to change, the Prime Minister’s press office said that “PasqyrAlbania” would be “an entirely new experience.”

According to the press office, the platform will also incorporate “Albania We Want” and e-Albania.

“At the same time, however, they themselves will also be presented in a new version, in which Artificial Intelligence will play a role that has been absent until now,” the Prime Minister’s press office said.

Political analysts believe Rama interprets governance problems primarily as communication difficulties. According to them, his proposed way of overcoming these problems involves bypassing institutions and centering the relationship between citizens and those in power on the prime minister.

Journalist Lutfi Dervishi described “PasqyrAlbania” as more of a continuation of an existing idea than a new concept of governance, comparing it with the previous platform and the law on co-governance.

“In essence, it looks more like a new version of an old idea than a new philosophy of governance,” Dervishi said.

He acknowledged that the new platform may be more technologically advanced, but warned that “technological innovation should not be confused with institutional responsibility.”

“In an administration that functions normally, citizens should not need a special mechanism to force the administration to do what it is supposed to do,” the journalist added.

PR operation for governance problems

During his 13 years in power, public communication and daily propaganda about the government’s achievements have been among the main features of Edi Rama’s administration.

Major public investment projects were presented in the government’s virtual world through 3D images, even before work began on the ground. Some of them were later linked to corruption scandals in which senior officials have been investigated or tried for corruption.

After three months of continuous public protests, known as the “Flamingo Revolution,” Rama has spent weeks talking about reshaping the relationship between the government and citizens. He initially mentioned a document called “Besa,” before later presenting the “PasqyrAlbania” platform.

But it remains debatable whether deep-rooted governance problems can be solved solely by improving communication.

Ermal Hasimja, a political science lecturer, said the prime minister is trying to use the “communication improvement operation” to justify the consequences of his governance.

“The problem is that the government serves a minority of people, not everyone. The minority reaps the benefits, while the majority gets ‘communication,’” Hasimja stressed.

Eduart Gjokutaj, head of ALTAX, an organization focused on transparency and sustainable development policies, also argues that a better communication channel is not enough to overcome the crisis of trust.

“It is connected to keeping promises, transparency in decision-making, respect for institutions, checks on power and accountability for results. If citizens are heard but institutions are not held accountable for what they promise and do, the platform risks becoming a tool for managing dissatisfaction rather than a reform of governance,” Gjokutaj said.

According to him, even if the “PasqyrAlbania” initiative proves successful, it does not in itself constitute “a new model of governance.”

“Otherwise, we have a new tool for a familiar mechanism,” Gjokutaj stressed.

Dervishi notes that this mechanism also creates a paradox: the government can take credit for correcting a problem that it created itself or failed to resolve through its own structures.

“After 13 years in power, the question is no longer only how well the government communicates with citizens, but why intervention from above is needed to receive a normal response from institutions and the administration,” he said.

According to the journalist, the same question applies to “Pasqyrë Albania,” which Rama has presented as a new way to submit requests or concerns to institutions and track in real time how they are handled, as well as who is responsible for resolving them.

Rama presents himself as the “Solution”

At the event in Pogradec, the prime minister also gave a concrete example of how he envisions communication with citizens. He showed a viral video of his meeting with an elderly man in a village in Pogradec.

The elderly man, who had waited for hours to meet Rama, asked him to build a 4-kilometer road in the village where he lived, without first approaching the relevant institutions.

For Dervishi, this episode reflects the centralized communication model the prime minister has built and continues to reinforce.

“He bypasses the intermediaries: the administration, institutions, the media, the opposition and often even the ministers themselves. And he presents himself as the ‘Solution.’ Ultimately, this creates a relationship in which a citizen with a problem no longer deals with the ‘state,’ but turns to the center of power for a solution,” Dervishi said.

According to him, the situation creates a contradiction, because “centralization is presented as the cure for the dysfunction of an already highly centralized administration.”

Dervishi adds that the new communication initiatives do not necessarily address the causes of the dissatisfaction expressed in the protests. On the contrary, they may shift attention away from governance problems and toward the direct connection between citizens and the prime minister.

He considers this “the main risk,” because “in a democracy, the relationship should be between the citizen and the institution, not between the citizen and the prime minister.”

Gjokutaj warns of the same risk if the platform creates the impression that problems are solved through intervention by the prime minister or political leaders, rather than through the normal functioning of institutions.

“This would further strengthen the personal relationship between citizens and those in power, instead of the relationship between citizens and the state,” he said.

“Governance cannot be built on the idea that every problem faced by a citizen must be resolved through intervention by the central government. In a functioning state, citizens should not have to seek a favor or political intervention to receive a service guaranteed to them by law. Responsibility must lie with the institution, not the leader,” Gjokutaj concluded.

The post BIRN: Rama’s “PasqyrAlbania,” a new name for an old promise that does not solve governance problems appeared first on Albeu.com.

After months of daily protests, known as the “Flamingo Revolution,” Prime Minister Edi Rama has introduced the “PasqyrAlbania” platform as a new channel of communication with citizens. Experts, however, see it as a repackaging of an earlier idea that does not address the core of the country’s governance problems.

Rama made the announcement on August 24, during a meeting in Pogradec with the government cabinet and the leaders of the Socialist Party. He declared that every request or concern submitted through the platform would be monitored in real time and receive a response.

“People’s requests and complaints cannot be like the bottles containing messages of farewell that people threw from ships when they were sinking in the ocean,” the prime minister said.

However, “PasqyrAlbania” is not seen as a genuine innovation, but rather as a new name for a promise made earlier.

Since the end of 2021, the government has been operating the “The Albania We Want” platform, a state mechanism based on the law on co-governance.

The political promises and legal framework of that time provided for precisely this kind of direct, real-time communication between citizens and institutions. According to them, citizens would receive answers to their problems and would also be able to influence the drafting of government policies.

Asked what had not worked with the “The Albania We Want” platform and what the new initiative aimed to change, the Prime Minister’s Press Office said that “PasqyrAlbania” would be “an entirely new experience.” According to the office, the platform would also include “The Albania We Want” and e-Albania.

“But at the same time, they themselves will also be presented in a new version, in which Artificial Intelligence will play a role that has been missing until now,” the Prime Minister’s Press Office said.

Political analysts believe that Rama interprets governance problems primarily as communication difficulties. According to them, the proposed way of overcoming those problems involves bypassing institutions and concentrating the citizen–power relationship around the prime minister.

Journalist Lutfi Dervishi described “PasqyrAlbania” more as a continuation of an existing idea than as a new concept of governance, placing it in the context of the previous platform and the law on co-governance.

“In essence, it looks more like a new version of an old idea than a new philosophy of governance,” Dervishi said.

He acknowledged that the new platform could be more advanced technologically, but warned that “technological innovation must not be confused with institutional responsibility.”

“In an administration that functions normally, citizens should not need a special mechanism to force the administration to do what it is supposed to do,” the journalist added.

PR operation for governance problems

During Edi Rama’s 13 years in power, public communication and daily propaganda about the government’s achievements have been among the defining characteristics of his rule.

Major public investment projects were presented in the government’s virtual world through 3D images, even before construction began on the ground. Later, some of them became linked to corruption scandals, with senior officials investigated or tried for corruption.

After three months of continuous civic protests, known as the “Flamingo Revolution,” Rama has spent weeks talking about reshaping the relationship between the government and citizens. Initially, he mentioned a document called “Besa,” and later introduced the “PasqyrAlbania” platform.

But it remains debatable whether deep-seated governance problems can be solved solely by improving communication.

Ermal Hasimja, a lecturer in Political Science, said the prime minister was trying to use the “communication improvement operation” to justify the consequences of his governance.

“The problem is that governance serves a small group of people, not everyone. The minority gets the fruits, while the majority gets ‘communication,’” Hasimja stressed.

Eduart Gjokutaj, head of the ALTAX organization, which focuses on transparency and sustainable development policies, likewise argues that a better communication channel is not enough to overcome the crisis of trust.

“It is connected to keeping promises, transparency in decision-making, respect for institutions, control over power, and accountability for results. If citizens are heard but institutions are not held responsible for what they promise and do, the platform risks becoming an instrument for managing discontent rather than a governance reform,” Gjokutaj said.

According to him, even if the “PasqyrAlbania” initiative proves successful, it does not in itself constitute “a new model of governance.”

“Otherwise, we have a new instrument for a familiar mechanism,” Gjokutaj underlined.

Dervishi notes that this mechanism also creates a paradox: the government may take credit for correcting a problem it created itself or failed to resolve through its own structures.

“After 13 years in power, the question is no longer simply how well the government communicates with citizens, but why intervention from above should be necessary to obtain a normal response from institutions and the administration,” he said.

According to the journalist, the same question applies to “PasqyrAlbania,” which Rama has presented as a new way to approach institutions with requests or concerns and to monitor in real time how they are handled, as well as who is responsible for resolving them.

Rama presents himself as “the Solution”

At the Pogradec event, the prime minister also gave a concrete example of how he understands communication with citizens. He showed a viral video from a meeting with an elderly man in a village in Pogradec.

The elderly man, who had waited for hours to meet Rama, asked him to build a four-kilometer road in the village where he lived, without first contacting the relevant institutions.

For Dervishi, the episode reflects the centralized communication model that the prime minister has built and continues to strengthen.

“He bypasses the intermediaries: the administration, institutions, the media, the opposition, and often even the ministers themselves. And he presents himself as ‘the Solution.’ In the end, a relationship is created in which a citizen with a problem no longer confronts ‘the state,’ but turns to the center of power for a solution,” Dervishi said.

According to him, the situation creates a contradiction, because “centralization is presented as a remedy for the malfunctioning of an already highly centralized administration.”

Dervishi added that the new communication initiatives do not necessarily address the causes of the discontent that emerged during the protests. On the contrary, they may shift attention from governance problems to the direct connection between citizens and the prime minister.

He considers this “the main risk,” because “in a democracy, the relationship should be citizen–institution, not citizen–prime minister.”

Gjokutaj warns of the same risk if the platform creates the impression that problems are solved through the intervention of the prime minister or political leaders rather than through the normal functioning of institutions.

“This would further strengthen the personal citizen–power relationship, instead of the citizen–state relationship,” he said.

“Governance cannot be built on the idea that every citizen’s problem must be solved through the intervention of the central government. In a functioning state, citizens should not have to seek a favor or political intervention to receive a service guaranteed to them by law. Responsibility should lie with the institution, not the leader,” Gjokutaj concluded.

The post PasqyrAlbania” by Rama: a new name for an old promise that does not solve governance problems appeared first on Albeu.com.

Pas një stine të nxehtë protestash kundër modelit të tij të qeverisjes, kryeministri Edi Rama u rikthye me një zgjidhje “deus ex machina” për të kanalizuar ankesat dhe pakënaqësitë e qytetarëve – një platformë të quajtur “PasqyrAlbania”.

“Nuk mund të jenë kërkesat dhe ankesat e njerëzve si shishet që hidhnin letrat e amaneteve nga anijet kur mbyteshin në oqean”, deklaroi Rama.

Por larg të qenit një risi, platforma “PasqyrAlbania” është një emër i ri për një premtim të vjetër.

Prej fundit të vitit 2021, qeveria e drejtuar nga kryeministri Edi Rama ka lançuar një platformë të ngjashme të njohur si “Shqipëria që duam”; një strukturë shtetërore e rregulluar përmes ligjit për bashkëqeverisjen.

Premtimet politike dhe dispozitat ligjore parashikonin që prej asaj kohe atë që Rama premton sot; një ndërveprim në kohë reale mes qytetarëve dhe institucioneve, duke garantuar përgjigje për hallet e shqetësimet e tyre, por dhe ndikimin e tyre në politikat qeverisëse.

E pyetur se çfarë nuk funksionoi me platformën ‘Shqipëriaqëduam’ që kërkohet të zgjidhet me platformën e re, zyra e shtypit pranë Kryeministrit sugjeroi se “PasqyrAlbania” do të ishte “një eksperiencë krejt e re” dhe se do të përfshinte si komponentë të saj edhe ‘Shqipëria që duam”, së bashku me e-Albanian”.

“Por njëkohësisht edhe vetë ato do të jenë në një version të ri, ku Inteligjenca Artificiale do të marrë një rol që deri sot ka munguar”, tha për BIRN zyra e shtypit pranë kryeministrit.

Për analistët e politikës, oferta e re e Ramës tregon se ai i sheh problemet e qeverisjes si probleme komunikimi dhe tenton t’i korrigjojë ato përmes anashkalimit të institucioneve dhe centralizimit të marrëdhënieve mes qytetarëve dhe kryeministrit.

“Në thelb, më shumë duket si një version i ri i një ideje të vjetër sesa si një filozofi e re qeverisjeje”, e komentoi gazetari Lutfi Dervishi platformën “PasqyrAlbania”, duke e krahasuar atë me platformën e mëparshme dhe ligjin për bashkëqeverisjen.

Sipas Dervishit, edhe pse teknologjikisht platforma e re mund të jetë më e avancuar, “risia teknologjike nuk duhet ngatërruar me përgjegjësinë institucionale”.

“Në një administratë që funksionon normalisht, qytetari nuk duhet të ketë nevojë për një mekanizëm të posaçëm që ta detyrojë administratën të bëjë atë që duhet të bëjë”, shtoi ai.

Operacion PR për problemet e qeverisjes

Përgjatë 13 viteve në pushtet, marrëdhëniet me publikun së bashku me propagandën e përditshme mbi sukseset e qeverisë kanë qenë një tipar kryesor dallues i qeverisjes së kryeministrit Edi Rama.

Në pasqyrën e botës virtuale të qeverisë, projektet e mëdha të investimeve publike publikoheshin në 3D, përpara se ato në të vërtetë të nisnin punën në terren, ndërsa një pjesë e mirë e tyre rezultoi më vonë të përfundonin në afera korruptive me zyrtarë të lartë të hetuar apo gjykuar për korrupsion.

I sfiduar prej tre muajsh nga protestat e përditshme qytetare, të cilat njihen ndryshe si “Revolucioni i Flamingove”, kryeministri Rama prej javësh ka premtuar një reformim të marrëdhënies mes qeverisjes dhe qytetarëve, fillimisht përmes një dokumenti të emërtuar prej tij si “Besa” dhe më pas përmes platformës “PasqyrAlbania”.

Megjithatë, shumë dyshojnë se problemet e mprehta të qeverisjes mund të lustrohen sërish përmes komunikimit.

Ermal Hasimja, pedagog i Shkencave Politike i tha BIRN se Rama po përpiqet që ta shfrytëzojë ‘operacionin e përmirësimit të komunikimit’ për të justifikuar të gjitha problemet që ka shkaktuar qeverisja e tij.

“Problemi është që qeverisja i shërben një pakice njerëzish, jo të gjithëve. Pakica merr frytet, shumica merr ‘komunikim’”, theksoi Hasimja.

Edhe Eduart Gjokutaj, drejtues i organizatës ALTAX me fokus te transparenca dhe politikat e qëndrueshme të zhvillimit, thotë përmirësimi i kanalit të komunikimit nuk e zgjidh ‘krizën e besimit’.

“Ajo lidhet me mbajtjen e premtimeve, transparencën e vendimmarrjes, respektimin e institucioneve, kontrollin mbi pushtetin dhe llogaridhënien për rezultatet. Nëse qytetari dëgjohet, por institucionet nuk mbajnë përgjegjësi për atë që premtojnë dhe bëjnë, platforma rrezikon të kthehet në një instrument për menaxhimin e pakënaqësisë dhe jo në një reformë të qeverisjes”, tha Gjokutaj.

Gjokutaj beson se edhe në qoftë e suksesshme, nisma “PasqyrAlbania’ nuk përbën në vetvete “një model të ri qeverisjeje”.

“Përndryshe, kemi një instrument të ri për një mekanizëm të njohur,” theksoi ai.

Për gazetarin Dervishi, ky mekanizëm krijon edhe një paradoks, pasi qeveria mund të marrë kreditet për korrigjimin e një problemi që e ka prodhuar vetë ose që nuk e ka zgjidhur përmes institucioneve të saj.

“Pas 13 vitesh në pushtet, pyetja nuk është më vetëm sa mirë komunikon qeveria me qytetarin, por pse duhet ndërhyrja nga lart për të marrë një përgjigje normale nga institucionet dhe administrata”, tha Dervishi.

Sipas tij, kjo pyetje lidhet drejtpërdrejt edhe me “Pasqyrë Albania”, që kryeministri e ka prezantuar si një mënyrë të re për t’u drejtuar institucioneve me kërkesa apo shqetësime dhe për të ndjekur në kohë reale trajtimin dhe përgjegjësitë për zgjidhjen e tyre.

Rama ofrohet si “Zgjidhja’

Gjatë aktivitetit të zhvilluar në Pogradec, kryeministri ofroi gjithashtu një shembull praktik të filozofisë së tij për komunikimin me qytetarët përmes një videoje virale takimi me një të moshuar nga një fshat i Pogradecit.

Pasi e priti me orë të tëra që ta takonte, i moshuari i kërkoi Ramës që të shtronte një rrugë 4 kilometra në fshatin e tij, pa iu drejtuar më parë institucioneve.

Për Lutfi Dervishin, ky rast tregon modelin e komunikimit që Rama ka ndërtuar dhe vijon të ndërtojë, duke e centralizuar atë.

“Ai shmang ndërmjetësit: administratën, institucionet, median, opozitën dhe shpesh edhe vetë ministrat. Dhe e paraqet veten si ‘Zgjidhja’. Në fund krijohet një raport ku qytetari me një problem nuk përballet më me ‘shtetin’, por i drejtohet qendrës së pushtetit për zgjidhje”, thotë Dervishi.

Sipas tij, kjo krijon një paradoks; “centralizimi paraqitet si ilaç për mosfunksionimin e një administrate tashmë tejet të centralizuar”.

Në këtë këndvështrim, shton ai, “nismat e reja të komunikimit nuk adresojnë domosdoshmërisht arsyet e pakënaqësisë së shprehur përmes protestave, por rrezikojnë ta zhvendosin debatin nga problemet e qeverisjes te marrëdhënia e drejtpërdrejtë e qytetarit me kryeministrin”.

Dhe pikërisht ky është ‘rreziku kryesor’, pasi siç argumenton Dervishi, “në demokraci marrëdhënia duhet të jetë qytetar–institucion, jo qytetar–kryeministër”.

Edhe për Gjokutat,j ky rrezik ekziston nëse nëse platforma krijon perceptimin se zgjidhja e problemit vjen nga ndërhyrja e kryeministrit, apo drejtuesve politikë dhe jo nga funksionimi normal i institucionit.

“Kjo do ta forconte më tej marrëdhënien personale qytetar–pushtet, në vend të marrëdhënies qytetar–shtet”, tha Gjokutaj.

“Qeverisja nuk mund të ndërtohet mbi idenë se çdo problem i qytetarit duhet të zgjidhet përmes ndërhyrjes së qeverisë qendrore. Në një shtet funksional, qytetari nuk duhet të kërkojë favor apo ndërhyrje politike për të marrë një shërbim që ligji ia garanton. Përgjegjësia duhet të jetë e institucionit dhe jo e liderit”, përfundoi ai./BIRN

The post BIRN: “PasqyrAlbania” e Ramës, një emërtim i ri për një premtim të vjetër që nuk zgjidh problemet e qeverisjes appeared first on Albeu.com.