Lumir Abdixhiku will remain at the helm of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) after receiving the support of delegates at the Extraordinary Assembly to continue his term as party leader. In Thursday’s vote, 170 delegates opposed his dismissal, while 152 voted in favor of removing him.

The result brought the attempt to dismiss Abdixhiku to an end, making him the fourth chairman in LDK history to continue leading the party. His reconfirmation comes amid internal debates and clashes over the leadership and political direction of the party.

In his first appearance before the media after the Assembly concluded, Abdixhiku thanked the delegates for their confidence. According to him, the way the process was conducted demonstrated the level of internal democracy within the LDK.

The LDK leader stressed that the delegates’ decision concerned not only the continuation of his term but also determined the policy course the party would pursue in the period ahead.

Abdixhiku said that, for the second time this year, the LDK had demonstrated the highest level of democracy. He said the delegates had decided democratically on both the leadership and the party’s policy direction, adding that he was pleased with the result and grateful for the confirmation of January’s outcome.

According to political analysts, the continuation of Abdixhiku’s term provides an opportunity for continuity within the LDK, but the main challenges remain internal reform, strengthening unity and preparing for the upcoming elections.

They believe his continued leadership prevents a new political crisis within the party. However, Abdixhiku must now reorganize its structures and manage the differences that exist within the LDK.

Political analyst Faton Mehmeti, speaking to “Bota sot,” described Abdixhiku’s reconfirmation as a significant development for the party’s future.

According to Mehmeti, Lumir Abdixhiku’s re-election currently represents the “lesser evil” for the LDK. He said that if Abdixhiku had not been confirmed as leader, developments within the party would have taken an entirely different direction, the country would automatically have headed to elections, and responsibility for that would have been attributed to the LDK.

Mehmeti warned that such a scenario would harm the party’s result in the next elections. He also claimed that there are figures within the LDK who are not acting in its interests.

The analyst said everything would depend on Abdixhiku’s willingness to manage the situation and purge the party of certain individuals who, according to him, are serving the PDK more than the LDK itself.

Mehmeti added that Abdixhiku would have more time for internal reforms if a political agreement were reached that avoided new elections and enabled a full term in government.

He explained that if elections are not held and the issue of the president is resolved, creating a four-year term, Lumir Abdixhiku will find it easier to reorganize and expand the LDK for a new era.

Political analyst Eduart Gashi, also speaking to “Bota sot,” said Abdixhiku’s reconfirmation showed that most of the LDK’s structures support his political direction.

Gashi described Lumir Abdixhiku’s continued leadership of the Democratic League of Kosovo as an important political development that, in his view, can be examined from several perspectives.

He said the result signals support from most of the party’s internal structures for Abdixhiku’s political line and for efforts aimed at reforming the LDK following the results of the previous elections. According to Gashi, this new mandate allows him to continue his opposition strategy and preparations for upcoming electoral challenges.

According to Gashi, one of the main issues following this process is the risk that divisions within the LDK could deepen. He stressed that this would be determined by how the leadership handles internal differences.

Gashi explained that in a party with a long tradition such as the LDK, it is natural for there to be factions and figures with differing views. The level of unity, he said, will depend on how the new leadership includes or accommodates the other wings.

If the new leadership’s course is considered successful and inclusive, dissatisfaction may diminish. Conversely, if certain figures feel sidelined, friction or individual defections may emerge.

According to him, Abdixhiku’s continued leadership shows that the LDK intends to maintain the continuity of its modernization process. However, the real test of its unity and political strength will be the results of the upcoming national and local elections.

Gashi emphasized that the membership’s initiative to convene the Extraordinary Assembly, along with the way it was organized, demonstrated political maturity.

In his assessment, the LDK successfully passed a “test of democracy,” demonstrating how internal party democracy is implemented in practice. The convening of the Extraordinary Assembly at the membership’s initiative and the calm, orderly participation were, according to him, signs of this maturity.

He said the existence of different blocs and factions within a party is precisely the foundation on which democracy operates. What is important, according to him, is that the result is accepted and respected once voting has concluded.

In conclusion, Gashi told “Bota sot” that democracy does not mean constant obstruction or simply taking an “against” position. On the contrary, it requires finding the best possible solution, a “win-win” situation for everyone, especially for the country, its future and the building of a better tomorrow in the service of the people and generations to come.

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Lumir Abdixhiku will continue to lead the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) after once again securing the confidence of delegates at the party’s Extraordinary Assembly. In Thursday’s vote, 170 delegates opposed his dismissal, while 152 voted in favor of removing him.

The result brought the attempt to oust Abdixhiku to an end. His reconfirmation makes him the fourth leader in LDK history to continue at the helm of the party, at a time when it has faced internal debates and clashes over its leadership and political direction.

In his first appearance before the media following the Assembly’s decision, Abdixhiku thanked the delegates for their support and described the process as evidence of the level of internal democracy within the LDK.

According to him, through their vote, the delegates decided not only who would lead the party but also the policy direction it would pursue in the coming period.

“For the second time this year, the LDK demonstrated the highest level of democracy. The delegates to the LDK Assembly democratically set the direction not only for the leadership but also for the party’s policy orientation. I am pleased with the result and grateful that they confirmed the January result,” Abdixhiku told the media.

Political analysts believe that Abdixhiku’s continued tenure creates an opportunity for stability and continuity within the LDK. However, according to them, the main challenges remain internal reform, consolidating unity and preparing the party for the upcoming elections.

They believe that his remaining at the helm averts another political crisis within the party, while at the same time placing responsibility on Abdixhiku to reorganize its structures and manage internal differences.

Political analyst Faton Mehmeti, speaking to “Bota Sot,” described Abdixhiku’s reconfirmation as an important moment for the future of the Democratic League of Kosovo.

“Lumir’s re-election is currently the lesser evil for the LDK. Had he not been confirmed as party leader, we would have had a completely different story for the LDK. The country would automatically have gone to elections, and the LDK would have been blamed for it,” Mehmeti said.

He warned that such a development would have had negative consequences for the LDK’s future election result. Mehmeti also said that there are figures within the party who, in his view, do not act in its interests.

“Everything depends on how willing Lumir is to manage the party and purge it of certain people who are serving the PDK more than the LDK itself,” he said.

Mehmeti added that Abdixhiku would have more time for internal reforms if a political agreement were reached that avoided new elections and enabled a full term in government.

“If there are no elections and the issue of the president is resolved, creating a four-year term, then it will be easier for Lumir to reorganize the party and expand it for a new era,” Faton Mehmeti said.

Meanwhile, political analyst Eduart Gashi told “Bota Sot” that Abdixhiku’s re-election demonstrates that most of the LDK’s structures support his political direction.

“The reconfirmation of Lumir Abdixhiku at the helm of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) is an important political development that can be analyzed from several perspectives,” Gashi said.

According to him, the result shows that most of the party’s internal structures support Abdixhiku’s political course and his efforts to reform the party following the results of the previous elections.

“Abdixhiku’s re-election signals that most of the party’s internal structures support his political line and his efforts to reform the LDK following the results of the previous elections. This gives him a new mandate to continue his opposition strategy and prepare for the upcoming electoral challenges,” he said.

Gashi said that the possibility of divisions deepening is among the main issues raised following this process. According to him, further developments will depend on how the leadership handles differences within the party.

“As for the possibility of divisions deepening, that depends on several key factors,” he said.

Gashi emphasized that in a party with a long tradition, such as the LDK, it is natural for there to be factions and figures with differing positions. According to him, the degree of unity will be determined by how the new leadership includes or accommodates the other wings.

“In every party with a long tradition, such as the LDK, there are factions and figures with different views. The way the new leadership includes or accommodates the other wings will determine the level of unity,” he said.

According to Gashi, dissatisfaction could be eased if the leadership’s course is seen as successful and inclusive. Conversely, excluding certain figures could lead to friction or individual estrangement.

“If the path pursued by the new leadership is seen as successful and inclusive, the potential for dissatisfaction will decrease. Conversely, if certain figures feel sidelined, there may be friction or individual estrangement,” he said.

He added that Abdixhiku’s continued tenure as party leader indicates the LDK’s intention to continue its modernization. However, the main test of its unity and political strength will be its result in the upcoming national and local elections.

“Abdixhiku’s remaining at the helm means that the LDK intends to maintain continuity in its modernization process, but the true test of its unity and political strength will be the party’s performance in the upcoming national and local elections,” Gashi added.

The analyst stressed that the membership’s initiative to hold the Extraordinary Assembly, as well as the way the process was organized, demonstrated political maturity.

“Moreover, this process showed that the LDK passed a ‘test of democracy’ with complete success, demonstrating how internal party democracy truly works,” he said.

“The convening of an Extraordinary Assembly at the initiative of the membership, as well as the calm and organized participation, demonstrates political maturity,” Gashi continued.

He said that democracy within the party is sustained precisely by the existence of different factions and blocs, while emphasizing the importance of accepting and respecting the result of the vote.

“The existence of different blocs or factions within a party is precisely what keeps democracy alive. What matters is that, following the voting process, the result is accepted and respected,” he said.

“Democracy does not mean constant obstruction or simply being ‘against.’ On the contrary, it means finding the best possible solution, a win-win situation for everyone—especially for the country, its future and the building of a better tomorrow for the benefit of the people and the generations to come,” Gashi concluded for “Bota Sot.”

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LDK MP Hykmete Bajrami reacted following the delegates’ vote at the party assembly, where 152 supported change, while another 170 chose a different approach.

Bajrami said she was part of the group that voted for changes within the LDK, but accepted the majority’s decision and congratulated the party.

“I was among the 152 delegates who believed that the LDK needed change, but another 170 delegates took a different position last night,” she wrote.

“In the home of democracy, victory always belongs to democracy.”

“Congratulations, LDK!”

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Lumir Abdixhiku, leader of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), has opposed the initiative to convene an extraordinary party assembly whose sole agenda item is a proposal to remove him from the party leadership. He described the move as misguided, inappropriate and ill-timed.

Addressing the delegates, Abdixhiku said the request had been made unilaterally and at a delicate time for the country, while describing it as a defining moment for the LDK.

According to him, the process was launched prematurely, as only a few months have passed since the last extraordinary assembly, while the party’s regular assembly is also approaching.

The LDK leader expressed regret over members who, as he put it, were absent at key political moments and then demanded accountability for the results. Abdixhiku stressed that he does not accept the logic whereby someone refuses to participate in the General Council, the collegium of party branches and the party’s campaign, but demands accountability once it is over.

He said he is accountable only to the members and delegates who were active on the ground and contributed to the LDK’s political battles. According to Abdixhiku, someone who avoids the party bodies and its most important battle, while waiting for a poor result to repeat the same refrain once again, cannot demand accountability from him.

The LDK’s extraordinary assembly was convened at the request of a group of delegates. A total of 355 delegates are expected to vote and decide whether Abdixhiku will continue to lead the party.

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In circumstances where every vote and every partnership could carry significant weight, it remains unclear how far compromises between political parties will go and whether there will be an agreement or a continuation of the political deadlock. It also remains uncertain which party could more easily cooperate with the Vetëvendosje Movement and under what conditions this cooperation could be built.

Speaking to “Bota sot” on this issue, political analyst Gani Qarri said that now that contacts between the parties have begun, he hopes a political agreement will be reached.

According to him, if that does not happen, citizens may be forced to return once again to the ballot boxes for new elections.

“The Central Election Commission (CEC), about a month after they were held, has certified the results of the snap parliamentary elections, but whether they have truly brought a solution as well depends on the political parties, something that is expected to be seen soon, since talks have already begun and, this time, they should finally result in an agreement, whether for coalition governance or at least for the election of a consensual president.

Otherwise, if no agreement is reached again and citizens are once more forced to turn to the ballot boxes, each political entity and every local political leader, before deciding on repeating the elections, must thoroughly justify their actions and clearly explain to citizens what will happen after the next elections. Otherwise, citizens may massively boycott the elections and no longer respond to politicians’ calls to participate in voting,” he said.

Commenting on the position of the LDK, Qarri stressed that, in his assessment, the party should not make Vjosa Osmani’s candidacy for president a condition for LVV, as such an approach could trigger reactions from other parties.

“On the other hand, the LDK should also not come out with the condition that Vjosa Osmani must necessarily be a candidate for president of the country, because this causes reactions from other parties and brings about a repositioning of the entire political spectrum in the country, an act which could provoke opposition from some quarters. Given that the PDK, even after the previous elections, was against Mrs. Osmani’s candidacy, while the AAK, or at least Ramush Haradinaj personally, has also put himself forward for the post of president, not to mention its problems with LVV, based on the above-mentioned reasons, if not all, then at least two or three parties may come out against Vjosa Osmani’s candidacy, which also jeopardizes reaching an agreement.”

He further spoke about the situation awaiting the country, underlining that the two largest opposition parties are going through internal difficulties.

In particular, he focused on the LDK and the opposition to its chairman. According to him, these internal divisions could also affect the presidential voting process if an eventual agreement is reached with LVV.

“However efforts currently under way to reach a possible inter-party agreement on the election of the president may vary, what is known is the fact that both main opposition parties continue to face internal problems. In fact, the current chairman of the LDK, while it is said that more than 150 signatures have been collected for holding the Assembly and their number continues to grow, may in a short time no longer be the valid person to negotiate on behalf of the LDK. Therefore, even if Abdixhiku is not completely removed from the position of chairman, not all of the party’s MPs may obey him in the vote for president or, even worse, with the deepening of disagreements, separate factions may also be created and the party may split permanently, which makes any agreement that may be reached between LVV and LDK even more uncertain, which, unfortunately, at the moment truly finds itself in complete agony.

It is surprising that the momentum of the problems raised within the LDK erupted precisely at the time when its current chairman declared himself ready to reach an inter-party agreement with LVV, so as not to send the country once again to new elections, which again may not bring a solution and may even further complicate the political situation in the country. For this reason, there is also suspicion that the problem currently appearing in the LDK did not come only as a result of dissatisfaction with the results of the June 7 national elections, but it seems as though there are forces within this party that have chosen this sudden way of acting precisely as a form of obstructing the possible coalition of joint governance between the LDK and LVV, as well as the resolution of the issue of electing the country’s president,” he explained.

According to Qarri, judging by current developments, negotiations between the parties are not expected to be easy at all. He also left open the possibility that the country could once again face political deadlock.

The analyst also stopped on the contacts between LVV and PDK, stressing that these talks should not end without a political agreement.

“Considering that even at these decisive moments the situation is not at all simple and it is well known that the process of electing the president once again has strong blocking potential, which, besides producing new political challenges, could again lead to the return of political stalemates and the repetition of snap elections, the prime minister and the winning party should now focus more than last time on talks with the PDK, because the country has been delayed too much and Kosovo no longer has time to lose, nor the luxury of going once again to snap elections.

And, if Bedri Hamza’s conditions are not against the interests of the country and do not present obstacles to the normal functioning of the Government and state institutions, the talks should not end without an agreement, but the necessary compromises should be made for the sake of Kosovo and getting the country out of its current unenviable political and institutional situation, from which no one benefits and we all lose. Therefore, this is the decisive moment for the three main parties to enter talks to find a solution and not to produce justifications, with the perfidious aim that the country should once again be forced to go to elections, while the fictitious participation of party leaders in meetings with the prime minister is misused, as last time, to shift blame to the other side for the failure to reach an agreement.”

In conclusion, Qarri also mentioned the risk posed by another political deadlock and publicly appealed for the parties, at least this time, to agree on the election of a consensual president.

He also added that the country’s president should be elected by the people, through the necessary constitutional changes.

“Knowing that this is not the first legislature that could once again bring the Assembly to the brink of dissolution, or even self-dissolution, precisely because of disagreements over the election of the president, if no agreement is reached and political parties are once again left room for Assembly sessions to fail one after another, ‘for lack of quorum,’ while the sides deliberately return to the now familiar claims of blaming one another for imposing elections and a return to the ballot boxes on citizens for the second time within this year and for the fourth time within less than two years, this truly would be one of the greatest challenges for the country and one of the most undesirable acts for the state and its citizens, the severe consequences of which no one can accurately predict in advance, which I hope does not happen.

Based on the bitter experience of inter-party disagreements over the election of the president in the Assembly, which have repeatedly led Kosovo to snap elections, we make a public appeal that at least this time an inter-party agreement be reached on a consensual president. Immediately after the election of the president, the double majority must be secured and the amendments for the necessary constitutional changes must by all means be voted in the Assembly by the new legislature, so that from now on the country’s president is elected directly by the people and no longer by the Assembly, if we want such highly negative situations for Kosovo not to be repeated in the future as well, after national elections are held in our country,” Gani Qarri concluded to “Bota sot”.

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In a statement to “Bota sot,” legal expert Muhamet Kelmendi said that the June 7 elections did not produce an outright winner, but rather a clear political message for cooperation among political entities.

According to him, the citizens’ vote was a call for compromise, dialogue, and the establishment of functional institutions, not for political clashes or one-sided governance.

“The June 7 elections did not produce an absolute winner. They produced something even more important: a clear political orientation for how Kosovo should be governed. The message from the citizens was clear: no one has enough trust to govern alone, therefore power must be built on cooperation, compromise, and shared responsibility.

In parliamentary democracies, this is the meaning of the vote. When the electorate distributes support among several political entities, it is not asking for domination, but for balance. It is not asking for political arrogance, but for a culture of dialogue. It is not asking for exclusion, but for inclusion. This is the verdict delivered by the citizens of Kosovo.

Therefore, any attempt to interpret the election result as an exclusive right to govern, or as a reason to reject any political cooperation, runs counter to the spirit of the citizens’ vote. The will of the citizens was not for the continuation of political clashes, but for the building of functional institutions,” he said.

Kelmendi underlined that the burden of creating the institutions now falls on political leaders, who, he said, must place the state interest above the party interest. He assessed that coalitions represent democratic maturity and that Kosovo needs functional institutions, not political blockages.

“Today, responsibility no longer lies with the citizens. They have fulfilled their democratic duty. The responsibility belongs to the political leaders. They must demonstrate that they are able to distinguish the interest of the state from the interest of the party and build a parliamentary majority that guarantees institutional stability.

Coalitions are not a sign of political weakness. On the contrary, they are proof of democratic maturity. In most European parliamentary democracies, governments are built precisely on political agreements, joint programs, and shared responsibilities. They function because parties understand that the national interest is greater than the party interest.

Kosovo does not need winners who fail to govern, nor oppositions that consider blockade a political strategy. It needs institutions that function, a government that makes decisions, and an Assembly that produces laws and reforms. Citizens expect economic development, a fight against corruption, the rule of law, better-quality education, better healthcare, and progress on the Euro-Atlantic path. None of these can be achieved under conditions of an endless institutional crisis,” he added.

In the end, Kelmendi stressed that the continuation of the political crisis causes harm to the state and undermines citizens’ trust in democratic institutions.

He called on political leaders to respect the election verdict and build institutions through dialogue, compromise, and responsibility.

“Kosovo’s political history has shown that prolonged crises produce no winners. The only loser is the state. The longer the political deadlock lasts, the more the citizens’ trust in democratic institutions and in politics itself is damaged.

Therefore, the June 7 elections should be read for what they are: a mandate for co-governance. Citizens did not vote for division, but for responsibility. They did not vote for blockade, but for functionality. They did not vote for political ego, but for solutions.

The political class must understand that democracy does not end on election day; it only begins there. True victory is not measured by the number of mandates, but by the ability to build stable institutions that serve the citizens.

In the end, the citizens’ verdict is wiser than the parties’ calculations. They did not choose a single-party government. They chose a Kosovo governed through dialogue, compromise, and responsibility. It is the duty of political leaders to respect this mandate. Anything else would be disregard for the citizens’ will and a loss for Kosovo’s democracy,” he concluded for “Bota sot”.

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Most of these political entities belong to communities.

The highest result among them was recorded by the Turkish party Kosova Demokratik Turk Partisi – KDTP, which received 5,709 votes, or 0.70 percent of the total number.

On the other hand, the weakest performance in these elections was by independent candidate Esmir Kasi. According to the results certified by the CEC on Wednesday, he secured 0.03 percent of the vote, or 268 votes.

Second from last in terms of results was KNRP, with 0.04 percent of the vote, meaning it received the support of only 355 citizens of Kosovo.

A total of 21 political entities competed in the October 7 elections. The threshold for entering the Assembly was 5 percent of the total vote, and only five political entities surpassed this level – the Serb List, the Alliance, the LDK, the PDK and the Vetëvendosje Movement.

However, the parliament will also include 11 MPs from entities that did not pass the threshold and remained below 1 percent of the total vote. They secure seats in the Assembly thanks to the constitutional “guarantees” that the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo grants to communities. According to it, 10 seats in parliament belong “in any case” to representatives of the Serb community, while another 10 go to representatives of the country’s other ethnic communities.

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Sources within the LDK say signatures are being collected to convene an Extraordinary Assembly, where the issue of confidence in party leader Lumir Abdixhiku is also expected to be raised. According to the same sources, the initiative was launched by Gazmend Muhaxheri.

Political analyst Vesel Makolli believes the developments in the LDK require deep political reflection, stressing that three consecutive electoral defeats show a loss of citizens’ trust.

According to him, dissatisfaction within the party is no longer merely a matter of perception, but a political reality, while demands for accountability and change are gaining more support every day in the branches and structures of the LDK.

“The situation in the LDK requires a calm political analysis. Election results are not just numbers; they are the citizens’ verdict. When an eminent party in Kosovo’s political history such as the LDK fails to restore the electorate’s trust in three consecutive elections, political responsibility cannot be relativized – it must come as soon as possible.

The LDK is going through one of the most difficult periods in its history. The dissatisfaction of the membership is no longer a matter of perception, but a political reality. The voice calling for accountability and change is being heard more and more every day in branches, sub-branches and among its activists,” he said.

Makolli says that one of Lumir Abdixhiku’s biggest mistakes was bringing Vjosa Osmani back and placing her at the top of the LDK’s electoral list, adding that this has caused major dissatisfaction within the party.

He also believes that the LDK must rebuild its internal unity and bring back figures who, according to him, were left outside the structures because of their opposition to Vjosa Osmani. As an example, he mentions the former chairman of the Podujeva branch, Agim Veliu.

“The return of Vjosa Osmani, who through her political actions had significantly harmed the party, and placing her at the top of the LDK’s electoral list – is the biggest mistake that Chairman Abdixhiku could have made. This move has created dissatisfaction and opposition both among party cadres and among the membership in general.

The situation has been further electrified by Abdixhiku’s stance toward the two initiators of his dismissal, namely the mayors of two successful municipalities, Peja and Lipjan. Instead of their request being treated as a serious signal of dissatisfaction within the party and as an opportunity for reflection, the chairman’s reaction has left the impression of a confrontation with critical voices. This has only deepened the divide between the leadership and part of the membership, further worsening the internal climate in the LDK.

The LDK, as a right-wing party with the strongest institutional tradition, needs internal homogeneity, which must be achieved through deeds and not just words.

It is achieved when the door is opened and all those who opposed Vjosa Osmani at the time when she helped VV block international agreements requested by our allies and NATO are rehabilitated; those who were later, in various ways and through insinuations, removed or sidelined from the branches or from the LDK central leadership and from the electoral list. A striking example is the former chairman of the Podujeva branch, Agim Veliu, the convincing winner of all local elections and one of those LDK members who bears bullet wounds on his body,” Makolli told “Bota sot”.

In the end, Makolli states that if the information about the collection of 200 signatures proves true, then Lumir Abdixhiku’s resignation would be the best option for the LDK. According to him, this would pave the way for reforms, for a democratic race within the party and for easing internal tensions.

“Last night it was reported that the dissatisfied members within the LDK have collected 200 signatures, out of a total of 355 members in the party Assembly, which means around 57% of its composition. According to the information circulating, the collection of signatures is continuing and the number of those supporting the necessary changes in the party leadership is increasing.

If this information turns out to be accurate, the best solution, both for the future of the LDK and for chairman Lumir Abdixhiku himself, would be for him to make way as soon as possible for genuine reforms in the party. His resignation would enable the LDK bodies, in accordance with the Statute, to appoint an interim chairman, who would lead the party until the Election Assembly is held.

Such a move would help reduce internal tensions, create conditions for a democratic and equal contest for the party leadership, and give the LDK the opportunity to emerge from this crisis more united and better prepared for the political challenges awaiting the party and Kosovo in particular,” he concluded for the newspaper.

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Meanwhile, the leader of the winning party, Albin Kurti, has still not begun discussions with political parties on a governing coalition or the issue of the president because, according to him, the certification must first be awaited.

At the same time, the international community is calling for the preservation of institutional stability.

Political analyst Faton Mehmeti commented on these calls from international actors in a statement to “Bota sot.”

According to him, international appeals for stability are important, but in certain cases their influence has been limited because political parties have shown no willingness to reach an agreement.

“Yes, the international community has always called for stability. Through institutions, they have even made appeals in this direction, but I do not believe these calls have had any major impact in this case. What is attributed to Kurti, so to speak, is connected to the behind-the-scenes bargaining among political parties in light of international calls for stability,” he said.

Mehmeti further assesses that the course of the negotiations will be determined by the LDK, which he sees as divided between cooperation with Vetëvendosje and the option of new elections.

He also adds that the LDK could be the very party that makes an agreement with LVV possible.

“Everything will depend on how negotiations with the opposition parties develop, in this case with the LDK. I believe the LDK has a key role in the success or failure of this process. Looking at the current situation within the LDK, it can be said that the party’s official wing, led by Lumir Abdixhiku, is more inclined toward a coalition with Vetëvendosje, both to preserve the party’s internal stability and to avoid the perception that the LDK is obstructing the formation of institutions, given that it is a party that suffered losses in the elections.

Meanwhile, another faction, close to Përparim Rama, does not seem interested in entering a coalition, but rather in going to elections and building an opposition bloc,” the analyst explained.

In the end, he assesses that the chances of an agreement on the president remain small, despite international calls for stability.

According to him, the scenario of snap elections once again cannot be ruled out.

“Therefore, it remains to be seen how the negotiations will proceed. However, I do not see many chances of reaching an agreement or consensus on the issue of the president. I do not want to prejudge matters, but considering the current circumstances, I believe the chances of an agreement are smaller.

The international community has its role in seeking stability, but it is very difficult when the mechanisms and relationships that exist between the ruling parties and the opposition parties are known. These positions do not change easily, and often the sides are inclined to attribute responsibility to the ruling party,” Mehmeti concluded for “Bota sot.”

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He said that the Alliance is not aiming to join a government with LVV, while they will remain in the session for the election of the president only if the six conditions that this party has set for LVV are fulfilled.

“The Alliance does not submit to anyone at any price; it has its own convictions, it has its own vision, but is the Alliance ready to go one step further in restoring stability if they take the political strength that the Alliance has? The Alliance has gone beyond itself and has offered blank support, which has not happened, at least not in post-war Kosovo, that those 7 votes you have are offered to the party that came first in exchange for 6 projects that are vital for the citizen and not for the party… I am also talking about the VAT threshold and American gas… in exchange for the vote we are ready to go beyond ourselves; we do not want a political agreement with LVV in terms of participation in government, we do not want power, we do not want to govern with Albin Kurti and LVV’s program, but if they implement these 6 points that we have given them, then AAK’s 7 deputies will remain in the session for the election of the president. No, the Alliance does not have a candidate for president.”

The conditions presented by AAK chairman Ardian Gjini a few days earlier are:

Strategic Orientation and American Gas – Immediate acceptance of the American gas project as a vital state priority.

Energy Independence – Immediate start of procedures for the construction of the new coal-fired power plant.

Relief for Small Businesses – Immediate increase of the VAT threshold from 30 thousand euros to 100 thousand euros.

Support for Agriculture – Full exemption of cultivated land from property tax in order to encourage domestic production.

Infrastructure Budgeting – Full budget financing of road and capital projects that have remained suspended.

Emergency Fund for the Capital – Allocation of 800 million to 1 billion euros in capital investments for Pristina.

The post Arifi Reiterates AAK’s موقف on the President: We Will Remain in the Hall Only if 6 Demands Are Met appeared first on Albeu.com.