The Special Prosecution Office of the Republic of Kosovo filed an indictment on Thursday against 20 individuals for war crimes linked to events in the Gjakova region.

The list of defendants also includes Milan Radoičić.

According to the prosecution, the group is implicated in the killing of 107 unarmed residents. As they cannot physically appear before justice, the Special Prosecution Office has proposed that the trial be conducted in absentia.

Although the indictment contains their full names, the official statement referred to them only by their initials: M.K., R.C., M.D., P.R., S.K., L.O., Zh.S., S.S., L.D., Z.R., D.G., Ç.B., V.B., R.B., R.R., L.R., M.Sh., M.R., S.G. and T.A. They are charged with the criminal offense of “war crimes against the civilian population.”

The prosecution has also disclosed the positions held by some of them during the conflict.

According to the investigation, between 1998 and 1999, M.K. served as head of the Secretariat of Internal Affairs in Gjakova, R.Ç. headed Special Police units, while M.D. commanded the 52nd Rocket Artillery Brigade. Together with Radoičić and the other individuals involved, as part of “a broad military-police operation,” they are accused of participating in the killing of 107 civilians.

The prosecution says that during the operation, the defendants separated women and children from the men. The women were robbed of their gold jewelry, money and valuables, while the men were executed in their homes, in courtyards or near the location known as the “Taliq Bridge.” The homes were also set on fire.

The message conveyed by these charges is unequivocal, security expert Arben Dashevci said. According to him, despite the protection they receive from Serbia, sooner or later they will be forced to answer before Kosovo’s state institutions.

Commenting on the trial in absentia, Dashevci told “Bota sot” that it is clear the defendants do not feel at ease in the face of these charges. He added that efforts to deliver justice and international cooperation to arrest them continue unabated, with the aim of apprehending them wherever they may be.

He further said that Kosovo’s institutions are doing an excellent job pursuing those responsible for the horrific massacres and expressed his conviction that justice will catch up with them sooner or later.

Meanwhile, journalist Gëzim Olluri views this type of legal proceeding as an essential institutional tool for preserving the collective memory. In his view, bringing evidence from the field into the legal sphere gives wartime testimony an official form, creating an indisputable archive for the future.

According to Olluri, bringing the perpetrators to justice and securing convictions alleviates, even if only slightly, the suffering of the victims’ families. He stressed that this is not an ordinary court case, but evidence of Serbia’s genocidal intent, and that such a process goes beyond the bounds of a simple criminal trial.

He added that confronting the past is essential for political stability and that there can be no genuine negotiations with Serbia without accountability for the genocide against Albanians.

It is worth recalling that in April 2025, the Basic Court in Gjakova issued arrest warrants for Radoičić and 19 other Serbian nationals over suspicions of involvement in the killing of civilians whose remains were later found in a mass grave in Batajnica, Serbia.

The reasoning behind those arrest warrants stated that between May 7 and 10, 1999, Serbian armed and police forces, including the defendants, entered homes one by one near the “Taliq Bridge” in Gjakova, separated the men from the women and children, and then executed 106 Albanian civilians.

According to the same document, the same group of individuals, including Radoičić, had arrested more than 300 Albanian civilians during the same period, holding them in makeshift prisons without humane conditions, regular food, hygiene or medical care, before a large number of them were transferred to other prisons in Kosovo. According to the Gjakova court, these individuals were released after June 1999 with the assistance of international organizations.

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Kosovo’s Special Prosecution filed an indictment on Thursday for war crimes against 20 individuals, related to the atrocities that occurred in Gjakova.

Among the accused is also Milan Radoičić.

This group of 20 people is charged with complicity in the killing of 107 innocent civilians, and the Prosecution has requested a trial in absentia for them.

The defendants, who face the charge of “war crimes against the civilian population,” have been identified by the prosecution only with their initials: M.K., R.C., M.D., P.R., S.K., L.O., Zh.S., S.S., L.D., Z.R., D.G., Ç.B., V.B., R.B., R.R., L.R., M.Sh., M.R., S.G., and T.A.

The Prosecution also disclosed the positions the defendants held during that period.

According to the official announcement, during the period 1998-1999, M.K., as head of the Secretariat of Internal Affairs in Gjakova, R.Ç., as commander of the Special Police units, and M.D., as commander of the 52nd Rocket Artillery Brigade, together with the rest of the defendants, including Radoičić, “as members of these units are accused of participating in the elimination of 107 civilians during a ‘large-scale military-police operation’.”

The Special Prosecution statement says: “During this operation, according to the indictment, women and children were initially separated from the men. Gold jewelry, money, and other valuables were taken from the women, while the men were executed, some in their homes and yards, and others at the place called ‘Taliq Bridge.’ Furthermore, houses were also set on fire.”

Security expert Arben Dashevci says that the filing of these indictments sends a direct and deserved message, showing that despite the protection they enjoy in Serbia, they will have to surrender to Kosovo’s justice authorities.

Since the trial will be held in absentia, Dashevci stresses to “Bota sot” that this clearly shows that the suspects are not at all at ease with the crimes they are charged with. “The signal sent by the indictment against Milan Radoičić and 19 other members for war crimes, especially considering his role in recent events in northern Kosovo, is clear and direct. Although they are fugitives, sooner or later, with changes in the Serbian establishment, they will be forced to hand them over to our authorities. These serious crimes never become time-barred. The Prosecution’s request for a trial in absentia has a strong impact on them, as they find no peace and move only within Serbia. Kosovo’s efforts to establish justice and international cooperation for the arrest of the defendants do not cease – wherever they are and can be caught, they will face the law,” he stated.

He further adds that justice must reach them no matter where they hide. “Our institutions’ commitment to pursuing the perpetrators of these massacres is excellent. Truth and evidence are on our side, and I believe the law will catch them, whether through trial in absentia or with their physical presence in court,” the expert concluded.

It should be recalled that in April 2025, the Basic Prosecution in Gjakova issued an arrest warrant for Radoičić and 19 other Serbs, suspected of involvement in the murders of civilians in Gjakova, whose remains were later discovered in a mass grave in Serbia.

The reasoning of that warrant stated that during the period May 7-10, 1999, Serbian armed and police forces, including the defendants, entered houses near the “Taliq Bridge” in Gjakova, forcibly and with threats removed all persons there, separated the men from the women and children, and then killed a total of 106 Albanian civilians. After the war, their bodies were found in Batajnica, Serbia.

The arrest warrant document also stressed that the persons involved, including Radoičić, had arrested and imprisoned over 300 Albanian civilians during those three days, who were held in improvised facilities without humane conditions, lacking food, hygiene, and medical assistance. A large number of them were later transferred to various Kosovo prisons and released after June 1999 through the mediation of international organizations, according to the Basic Court of Gjakova.

Meanwhile, journalist Gëzim Olluri assesses that trials of this nature function as institutional mechanisms for preserving collective memory. According to him, moving evidence from the field to the legal sphere gives war testimonies a legal form. “Although belated, such indictments carry moral and historical importance for Kosovo’s past. Judicial processes like this serve as undeniable archives for future generations and ensure that such tragedies do not fade away. Confronting the past cannot be achieved without punishing the criminals and the aggressor’s acceptance of the truth,” Olluri stated to “Bota sot.”

According to him, bringing the perpetrators to justice and punishing them eases, even if just a little, the pain of the victims’ families. He emphasizes that this indictment should not be seen as an ordinary judicial process, but as evidence of Serbia’s genocidal intentions. “The weight of these trials goes beyond the limits of a simple criminal case. The indictment for the murder of 107 Albanian civilians in Gjakova is at the same time a tribute to the victims. Societies’ confrontation with the past is a condition for political stability, and there can be no sincere negotiations with Serbia without it taking responsibility for the genocide against Albanians,” Olluri concluded.

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Alban Krasniqi, the representative of the Vetëvendosje Movement on the CEC, leveled serious accusations against the opposition in two separate Facebook posts. He called it “anti-state” and claimed that “Radoičić’s friends” had come to its aid.

In his latest reaction, published at around 10 p.m., Krasniqi said the opposition’s “masks had fallen.” He is also the husband of acting president Albulena Haxhiu.

“The anti-state opposition in action. Radoičić’s friends have apparently come to their aid. Their masks have fallen for the umpteenth time,” Krasniqi wrote. He attached a photo report from a local media outlet stating that representatives of the Serbian List had arrived at the Assembly of Kosovo that evening, Friday.

However, he did not elaborate on exactly whom he meant when he used the phrase “Radoičić’s friends.”

An hour earlier, at around 9 p.m., Krasniqi had published another post criticizing the opposition, claiming that it was unable to convince even its own supporters.

“Oh, miserable opposition. At this rate, not only can you not convince the citizens, but you cannot even convince your own militants, perhaps not even yourselves,” Krasniqi wrote.

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Kosovo’s Special Prosecution filed an indictment yesterday against 20 persons for war crimes in Gjakova. Among the accused is also Milan Radoičić.

In connection with this issue, Luan Ibrahim Gacaferi, a member of the Guxo party, reacted through a Facebook post. According to him, Milan Radoičić, whom he calls a criminal and murderer, played a decisive role in the formation of Kosovo’s former governments created by PDK, LDK and AAK.

Gacaferi also claims that the representatives of the former governments of PDK, LDK and AAK waited for Radoičić for 8-10 hours until he gave the confirmation for the formation of the government.

In his full post, Gacaferi asks citizens to imagine that, according to him, a person responsible for the killing of hundreds and hundreds of innocent Albanians was the key figure who determined the formation of Kosovo’s former governments by PDK-LDK-AAK-Milan Radoičić (LS).

He continues stating that Radoičić, whom he accuses of killing hundreds and hundreds of innocent Albanian civilians, has de facto decided everything and for every government of Kosovo until 2021.

Finally, Gacaferi asserts that the representatives of the former governments of PDK, LDK and AAK were stuck in the parliament for 8-10 hours, waiting for Milan Radoičić to give them the approval for the formation of the government.

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Luan Ibrahim Gacaferi, a member of the Guxo party, said in a Facebook post that Milan Radoičić, whom he describes as a criminal and murderer, played a decisive role in the formation of Kosovo’s former governments by the PDK, LDK and AAK.

According to Gacaferi, representatives of these parties remained holed up in Parliament for 8-10 hours, waiting for Radoičić to give them confirmation to form the government.

A day earlier, the Kosovo Special Prosecutor’s Office filed an indictment against 20 people for war crimes in Gjakova. Milan Radoičić is among those indicted.

In his full post, Gacaferi asks citizens to imagine, even for a second, that the man he calls a criminal and the murderer of hundreds upon hundreds of innocent Albanians was the key figure who, according to him, decided on the formation of Kosovo’s former governments created by the PDK, LDK, AAK and Milan Radoičić (LS).

He claims that Radoičić, whom he accuses of murdering hundreds upon hundreds of innocent Albanian civilians, de facto decided everything and determined every Kosovo government until 2021.

Gacaferi reiterates that the former PDK, LDK and AAK governments waited for Milan Radoičić for 8-10 hours, locked inside Parliament, until he gave them his approval to form the government.

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The Kosovo Special Prosecution Office has filed an indictment against 20 people for war crimes committed in Gjakova. Radio Free Europe has learned that Milan Radoičić is among the defendants.

According to the indictment, the group is accused of involvement in the killing of 107 civilians. The Special Prosecution Office has requested that all the defendants be tried in absentia.

The individuals charged with the criminal offense of “war crimes against the civilian population” were identified by the Prosecution Office only by their initials: M.K., R.C., M.D., P.R., S.K., L.O., Zh.S., S.S., L.D., Z.R., D.G., Ç.B., V.B., R.B., R.R., L.R., M.Sh., M.R., S.G. and T.A.

The Prosecution Office alleges that in 1998-1999, M.K., then head of the Secretariat of Internal Affairs in Gjakova; R.Ç., commander of the Special Police units; and M.D., commander of the 52nd Rocket Artillery Brigade, together with the other defendants, including Radoičić, participated in the killing of 107 civilians as members of these units during a “large-scale military-police operation.”

In its statement, the Special Prosecution Office said that, according to the indictment, women and children were initially separated from the men during the operation. The women were stripped of their gold jewelry, money and other valuables, while the men were killed in houses and courtyards, as well as at a location known as “Taliq Bridge.” At the same time, houses were set on fire.

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Serbia’s Ministry of Internal Affairs (MUP) has told N1 that it has no documents containing information related to the broadcaster’s investigation into whether police officers have been assigned to provide security for controversial businessmen Zvonko Veselinović and Milan Radoičić.

Given the clear public interest, N1 submitted a request to the Interior Ministry for access to information of public importance. Among other things, the broadcaster asked whether police officers had been assigned to protect Veselinović and Radoičić and, if so, requested a copy of the document authorizing the assignment and the legal basis for providing them with security.

In response to the request, N1 was informed that “the Ministry of Internal Affairs does not have a document containing the requested information.” To date, the institution has neither publicly denied the reports nor provided an official explanation.

In late June, N1 obtained information indicating that Damnjan Vukićević, a member of the Belgrade Gendarmerie unit, was working in northern Kosovo as Milan Radoičić’s private security guard and occasionally also providing security for members of his family. Radoičić is on Interpol’s red list of wanted persons over suspicions that he organized and participated in the armed attack in Banjska.

According to other information obtained by N1, Nikola Milutinović, also a member of the Belgrade Gendarmerie detachment, works as a security guard at properties owned by Zvonko Veselinović in Golija. Veselinović is under US and UK sanctions.

In early July, N1 also reported that Veselinović’s security team included Neđeljko Gole, an active member of the SAJ and head of its sniper unit.

The issue of officers being assigned to protect tycoons or criminals had previously also been raised by Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić. Following the arrest of Belgrade police chief Veselin Milić, who was accused of failing to report a murder that occurred on May 12 at a restaurant in Senjak, Vučić warned that any police officer or soldier carrying out such duties would be dismissed from service.

“The law is clear. Whether someone likes it or not, we can part ways amicably. You work for these or those people, but you can no longer serve in state institutions,” Aleksandar Vučić said on May 20 of this year, according to N1.

More than a month later, when asked about N1’s findings concerning gendarmes providing protection to Veslinović and Radoičić, Vučić replied that “they do not provide security.” His response could also be understood to mean that, at the very least, they were no longer providing such security.

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As Vučić put it, the procedures related to him do not stem from specific criminal charges, but from political circumstances and tensions between Serbia and Kosovo.

He said at a press conference: “You did not say why Milan Radoičić is on the Red Notice. It is not because of crime, but because of Kosovo.”

These statements come at a time when the Banjska case remains among the most delicate security issues in the region, prompting numerous reactions both from institutions in Kosovo and from international partners.

Security expert Fidair Berisha, in a statement to “Bota sot”, opposed the statements of Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, assessing that they are aimed at downplaying Milan Radoičić’s responsibility for the attack in Banjska.

Berisha said: “Of course, I see this statement by President Vučić as a continuation of an approach aimed at relativizing Milan Radoičić’s responsibility for the terrorist attack in Banjska. The claim that he is not being prosecuted for crime, but only ‘because of Kosovo’, runs counter to the fact that Radoičić has publicly taken responsibility for organizing the attack and that there is an Interpol Red Notice against him based on criminal proceedings carried out by the Kosovo authorities.”

According to him, such an approach by Serbia sends a worrying signal, as it gives the impression that political protection is being offered to a person accused of the attack in Banjska.

He stressed that this issue is not only about relations between Kosovo and Serbia, but also about respect for the rule of law and international cooperation in the fight against crime and terrorism.

“I think this approach sends a worrying message, because it creates the impression of political protection for a person accused of a serious armed attack. This is not only a matter of Kosovo–Serbia relations, but also of respect for the principle of the rule of law and international cooperation in the fight against crime and terrorism.

I believe international partners should take this rhetoric seriously and demand full cooperation from Serbia with justice mechanisms. If a person wanted for such an attack remains politically protected and does not face justice, this risks damaging the credibility of Serbia’s commitments to the rule of law and regional stability,” he underlined to “Bota sot”.

Security expert Bedri Elezi also assessed that Aleksandar Vučić’s statements about Milan Radoičić constitute a challenge to international justice and seek to shift a criminal case linked to the Banjska attack into a political framework.

According to Elezi, this reflects a lack of willingness on Serbia’s part to cooperate in pursuing criminal accountability.

He said: “The statements of the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, regarding Milan Radoičić no longer constitute merely a political position, but an open challenge to the fundamental principles of international justice and legal cooperation between states.

The claim that Radoičić ‘is not wanted for crime, but because of Kosovo’ is a clear attempt to shift a serious criminal matter into a political narrative. This narrative runs counter to the fact that the case is linked to the armed attack in Banjska in 2023, an incident that directly undermined the security of the institutions of the Republic of Kosovo and regional stability.

Instead of institutional distancing from an individual who has publicly taken responsibility for such an act, the political discourse from Belgrade has moved toward relativization and indirect protection. This approach creates a serious perception in international opinion that there is a lack of political will to cooperate in pursuing criminal accountability, especially when it affects structures linked to state interests.”

Elezi added that the Banjska case should not be seen as an isolated event, but as a case that requires investigation into the supporting structures and political responsibility as well. According to him, the lack of a comprehensive indictment opens the way for political denial and distortion of the facts.

“The Banjska case cannot be treated as an isolated criminal episode. It represents a pattern of the organization of structured violence, where the key questions are not only related to the perpetrators, but to the possible chain of command, logistical support and political backing. This is precisely where the most sensitive dimension arises: state and political responsibility, which cannot be hidden behind declarative narratives.

In this context, the absence of a comprehensive indictment that addresses not only the direct perpetrators, but also the supporting structures and the possible interstate dimension, constitutes a serious gap in the legal handling of the case. This institutional vacuum gives space to political denial and distortion of the facts.

Therefore, Vučić’s statements are not merely political comment, but part of a discourse that risks normalizing impunity for acts of organized violence. If such figures are politically protected instead of being legally distanced, then not only the rule of law in Serbia is called into question, but also the seriousness of its international commitments.”

In the end, Elezi stressed that the Banjska issue is now a test for international justice and that criminal accountability must not be replaced with political narratives.

“This case now goes beyond the Kosovo–Serbia framework. It is a test for the European Union and international partners: whether the principle of criminal accountability is applied without double standards, or whether political narratives are allowed to replace legal responsibility.

In the end, Banjska remains a dividing line between two worlds: that of an international order based on law, and that of the politics of force, where responsibility is relativized and violence is treated as a justifiable political instrument,” he concluded for “Bota sot”.

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