Further details have emerged about the serious incident in Ksamil, where a 20-year-old French national was stabbed to death by a young man from Has. The victim has been identified as Frances Miguel Mendes, while the alleged perpetrator is 29-year-old Sokrat Vata from Has.

The serious incident that shocked Ksamil occurred in the early hours of this morning, when the young man from France was found dead on sun loungers at a beach near a bar.

According to preliminary information from the Police, the young man is suspected of having been struck with a sharp-edged weapon, namely a knife.

Initial investigative actions indicate that the incident is suspected to have occurred following a conflict over trivial reasons.

After the conflict, Vata is suspected of immediately leaving the scene. Police have begun searches in the area to locate and apprehend him, while work is also underway to fully clarify the circumstances of the incident.

Who is Sokrat Vata?

Sokrat Vata’s name had previously been mentioned in a criminal case in England. In 2023, he was found guilty of possessing an offensive weapon, specifically a set of metal knuckle dusters, possessing cocaine, and driving a vehicle without insurance.

According to information from the British authorities, on April 13, 2024, in Kent, Vata overturned a cloned vehicle he was driving after failing to obey a police order to stop on the A20 motorway in East Malling.

He fled the scene, while several bags of cocaine and license plates were found in the vehicle.

Just 17 days later, on April 30, 2024, Vata was involved in another police pursuit in Cambridge. He was driving a gray Toyota RAV4 that had been reported stolen and, after police attempted to stop him, he sped away.

The pursuit continued along several roads in the city. Vata stopped briefly to let a passenger out and then continued toward Clara Rackham Road, where he fled on foot and threw a package of cocaine into a bush.

Police later found him hiding in the back garden of a residence. During the search, he was found

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After the bipartisan parliamentary commission for administrative-territorial reform closed without any result, the Socialist Party pulled a draft law out of its sleeve on Thursday for changing the country’s territorial map, proposing to reduce the number of municipalities from 61 to 46.

The new map was preceded by an analytical document with several scenarios, also prepared unilaterally by the Socialist Party. Despite the opposition’s objections, one of the country’s key reforms is heading towards approval as a unilateral choice of the ruling party.

For the opposition Democratic Party, the reform hid electoral aims.

“The attempt to carry out a new unilateral reform hid electoral aims of the majority and not an analysis of the responsibilities, functions, and financial problems of local governance,” Democratic Party MP Jorida Tabaku told BIRN.

To support this argument, Tabaku uses the merger of Rrogozhina with Kavaja as an example, which according to her aims to dismantle the Democratic Party’s victory in Kavaja and has no other justifiable criteria.

According to Tabaku, the bipartisan commission should have first identified the problems of the 2014 reform and then, consensually, proposed solutions for them based on counties. Meanwhile, the commission failed to hold all hearings with citizens and local actors, leaving out Tirana, the country’s largest municipality, from these hearings.

“We are faced with a unilateral reform, a reform not based on criteria, which does not change the status quo, and does not improve the problems of the 2014 reform,” Tabaku emphasized.

The same concern is shared by civil society experts who have been engaged for years in analyzing local government issues. They see that the SP’s analysis focuses on the territorial map, without considering the most important element, which is the violation of local autonomy and the centralization of functions.

“The essence of the reform is not the number of municipalities that can be merged or created. It is the concept of separation of powers and the connection between the state and the citizen, access to public services, and the way local governance is realized in representation, administration, and management. The reform should be: what kind of governance do we want, not what map do we want,” said Afrim Krasniqi, executive director of the Institute of Political Studies.

According to him, legislation on local government has been continuously misinterpreted, while the central government has not shown political will to implement the principles of autonomy and decentralization in practice. As an example, Krasniqi mentions the case of Zvërnec, where, according to him, local institutions had no real role in decision-making.

Even for Agron Haxhimali, who heads the Institute of Municipalities and provides expertise to the parliamentary commission, the majority chose the easiest path: to change the map but not the governance model.

“The proposed mergers almost naturally follow the boundaries of the former districts; this should be seen as a positive tradition by restoring a recognized territorial configuration, without demonstrating how this change will improve democratic representation, service quality, or local autonomy,” Haxhimali told BIRN.

The merger of 15 municipalities, Haxhimali suggests, constitutes an intervention in administrative boundaries, but not a genuine reform of local governance, as it leaves untouched the fundamental challenges of decentralization, financing, representation, and service delivery to citizens, for which there will be a second phase.

“The problems that citizens experience today at the local level, especially the lack of effective representation, distance from decision-making, and insufficient access to services, are not solved simply by merging some municipalities,” he added.

The challenge of decentralization

The SP’s legal initiative proposes only an administrative reorganization and does not foresee provisions that touch on legal competencies or address issues of local autonomy.

For local governance experts, this initiative leaves out of the debate the main issue that has hindered local government functioning over the last decade: the unfinished decentralization of competencies and finances.

From this perspective, Afrim Krasniqi argues that the majority has not answered a fundamental element: “Is the central government ready to give competencies to local governance?”

One of the reasons the last reform failed, according to him, is that “the central government took the competencies and turned local governance into an appendix, a subordinate, and not a partner in co-governance.”

As an example, he brings up instances when the Prime Minister asks mayors to make decisions on matters that belong to local authorities.

Consequently, he assesses that the SP’s reform focuses more on electoral effects and territorial developments than on the quality of public services, economic development, and citizen benefits.

The lack of this vision, Krasniqi further states, “accompanied by limited public consultation, also explains the skepticism of international partners, who, unlike in the 2014 reform, have maintained a more withdrawn role in the process.”

Haxhimali also believes that the SP’s legal proposal has not addressed the main challenge of local government, which according to him is not the territorial map, but the governance model to be built and its proximity to citizens.

“The solution requires systemic and integrated interventions in the entire architecture of local governance: in territorial and administrative organization, in the financing and fiscal decentralization system, in the division of competencies, as well as in the system of representation and local elections.”

According to him, the reform should review the entire model of local government organization, addressing both municipalities and counties in an integrated manner, with clearly defined roles, functions, and financial resources.

He assesses that the problems created after the 2014 reform are related to the distancing of power from citizens, the weakening of community representation, and inequalities in service access, but emphasizes that not every municipal problem is a consequence of territorial division.

“First, the reform criteria should be defined, and only then should the map be constructed, not the other way around,” he suggested.

Similar conclusions are reached by reports from organizations that have monitored the implementation of the territorial reform over the last decade, which demand that the new reform not focus on the number of municipalities but on improving local governance./ BIRN

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Do you have besa? What about institutions?

“It’s the governance, stupid”

BESA is perhaps the most serious conceptual effort ever to come out of an Albanian government to reflect on the very mode of governance. It acknowledges something unusual for a government that has been in power for three mandates: the problem is trust.

Besa bluntly states that the flamingo protest was not an expression of “ingratitude,” as the fabricated mayor describes it in the introductory anecdote, but the expression of a society that has entered a new phase of development. This admission, in itself, is a step back from the arrogance of recent statements and overshadows the stories about agencies, algorithms, and the “enemies of the day.”

But the 40-page document understands the symptom better than the diagnosis and ignores the elephant in the room: BESA speaks at length about trust, but hardly at all about the reasons why it has been consumed. Trust is like an eraser; it shrinks after every mistake.

There is almost no reflection on corruption as a systemic problem, the concentration of power, the personalization of decision-making, the weakening of institutions in the face of the executive, conflicts of interest, or clientelism.

The word “corruption” appears only once, in the context of justice reform and the past, and not as a “gangrene” that must be fought.

The beautifully written document makes you believe that the main problem is the administration, while those on the boulevard (and not only them) believe the problem is the very model of governance.

BESA acknowledges that the instruments—public consultation, impact assessment, performance plans—have existed in law for years; the problem has only been their formal implementation. But if that is so, why haven’t they worked until now? Was BESA missing?

BESA somewhat resembles Shqipëriaqeduam.al: problems are solved by overcoming bureaucracy and intervening from above, not by letting the institutions function themselves. BESA claims it does not intervene but coordinates, but Albania does not go to the European Union with special units attached to the Prime Minister’s office, no matter how well-argued on paper. It goes with strong institutions, independent of the political cycle of any government, with procedures that are respected, not reminded to be respected by a coordinating dome; with real checks and balances and accountability that produces consequences, not a report that is read and forgotten. A new unit, however much called “coordinating” and not “decision-making,” risks turning into a mechanism of control and dictation.

The document’s self-criticism has a clear limit, like with Hosteni at the end of the ’80s: criticism goes up to the director, but no higher. It is admitted that the administration has not listened, has not communicated, and has not properly assessed the consequences, but the question is not raised as to who built this model and who bears the political responsibility for it.

If the administration brought about the protest, who built this administration? If communication failed, who designed the communication model? If decision-making was centralized, who centralized it? A document that speaks so much about trust would gain real credibility only if it dared to speak about its causes, not just its symptoms. After all, the administration does not set prices, does not raise wages, does not lower the cost of living, nor does it replace the institutions that guarantee accountability.

BESA reduces the crisis to an administrative problem, leaving out three fundamental challenges: democracy, the economy, and demography.

James Carville knew this when he formulated the slogan that helped Bill Clinton win the 1992 elections: in Albania, one could say “it’s the economy, stupid.” Not a single word about the economy! People demand not just a more beautiful Albania, but a normal and livable country.

Trust is not produced by listening better, but by limiting power, increasing genuine transparency, and building institutions that survive a change of government. But the real difference from the American voter lies not only in the government’s rhetoric, but in the voting mechanism itself. A good part of the electorate does not punish the government for the price of bread and eggs, for the quality of life, because the vote often measures not performance, but identity and clientelism, employment, party affiliation, fear of the alternative. When the vote is not linked to the bills you pay, the government has all the space and luxury to speak about “trust” and “national capital,” sure that the bill will not be demanded where it truly hurts.

Albania is emptying at the fastest rate in the region; 27,628 fewer inhabitants just in 2025, roughly half a million fewer inhabitants between 2011 and 2023, the average age went from 35.5 to 44.3 years within a decade. Yes, we have more tourists, but fewer inhabitants. Albania looks more beautiful, but it is more empty, older, and more expensive.

None of the seven indicators proposed by BESA measures these.

And precisely here lies the central void of the entire architecture of the document: seven measurement mechanisms, zero consequences. The “post-action review” analyzes the mistake, but the document itself explicitly says it “does not seek culprits.” There is no standard or criterion that leads to resignation, no consequence for breaking one’s word, no consequence even for repeating the same mistake.

BESA remains a document with modern ideas about listening, evidence, and measurement, but it reads more like a manual for the administration than a reflection on the political model that produced the trust crisis itself.

The country has already proven how much good words are worth when the stones remain in the bag and the elephant, as always happens, remains in the room even when one speaks at length about everything but it.

Besa is the given word. And the given word is measured in only one way: it is kept or broken. Therefore, the question is not who asks for Besa, but who keeps it.

By: Lutfi Dervishi

The post Lutfi Dervishi: From Besa of the Kanun to the Constitution, trust is not built with promises, but with institutions! appeared first on Albeu.com.

As in every post over the past three weeks, Rama once again attacked the protesters, as he has done every day by targeting different groups that have taken part in the demonstrations. This time, Rama’s attack focused on Albanians from the region who have joined the protest.

The prime minister stressed that Albanians in North Macedonia are not considered Albania’s diaspora, but citizens of a neighboring state where they are part of the state-forming structure, and he said the same about Albanians from Kosovo.

In his reaction, the prime minister criticized the participation of Albanians from the region in the protests in Tirana, describing it as involvement driven by political interests and claiming that it harms the image of Albanians abroad.

Rama’s post:

I do not know the lady, but someone sent me this post, which prompted the note below:

Albanians of North Macedonia are not Albania’s diaspora on foreign soil; together with the North Macedonians, they are a state-forming people on their own land in the neighboring state!

The diaspora are emigrants in foreign countries, not them, and certainly not the Albanians of Kosovo, who have their own independent state.

When the blind soldiers of political caravans from Prishtina and Tetovo appear in Tirana as the “diaspora,” with national flags turned into the decor of such a farce and with white plis hats blackened by such shame, they are simply eager victims who cannot ask themselves one simple question:

Is someone who wants Albanians in conflict and chaos worried or pleased when they see this “diaspora” from North Macedonia and Kosovo charge toward Tirana like an invading horde on four-wheeled horses to overthrow Albania’s government?

This is a question that, in fact, their sponsors should ask themselves. I assure them that they are spending their money solely to do national and international damage to the image of Albanians in North Macedonia and of Kosovo itself. Because as for me and the Socialist Party government, they should keep paying for fuel, food, and skullcaps until the day our unbreakable contract with 856,177 Albanian men and women, inside and outside the homeland, ends. May 2029.

And I will never get out of my mind the desecration of the UÇK liberation flag, raised like a banner of hatred for the overthrow of the government in Tirana! What a gift for those who do not recognize Kosovo and for those who have always mocked us as a people incapable of state-building. By acting as desecrators and mudslingers in this way, they have even brought to the tip of the pen of the Father of Albanianism, Gjergj Fishta:

“You hooligans and butchers,tramps and buffoons,filthy ticks, evil microbes,who to poor Albaniahave turned your lungs into ashes…”

Post Scriptum. And let no one speculate by linking this note to the name of the Prime Minister of Kosovo, because under no circumstances can I hold him, or imply him to be, responsible for any of the scoundrels of Vetëvendosje who have become involved in this devil’s brew. I am not saying this as some mere protocol-driven lip service, but because I know very well that every broad political tent also has its own scoundrels, and I would insult Albin’s intelligence if I thought he judged things as they do. So leave Albin Kurti out of this disgusting mess.

The post Rama attacks protesters: They are spending a lot of money to harm the country! As for me and the SP, let them keep paying for fuel and skullcaps until May 2029 appeared first on Albeu.com.

Spiropali protest

Spiropali, who was absent from the Socialist Party parliamentary group meeting, responded indirectly to Edi Rama over his barbs and her statements about a ‘New Agreement’ with Albanians.

But for this to happen, according to Spiropali, the Socialist Party must cleanse itself, taking aim at former Deputy Prime Minister Belinda Balluku.

Although indirectly, Spiropali referred to the latter as a “tornado” and “rust” of the Socialist Party.

According to her, if the Socialist Party itself does not elevate and democratize, then it cannot bring about the change that is being sought.

Spiropali’s full reaction

Yes, we will have the New Agreement for Albania.🇦🇱

The Albania we want to build must be made, and we will make it, more open, fairer, more meritocratic, more European.

To achieve this, the Socialist Party must find the strength, gather its thoughts, cleanse itself, become more dynamic, more democratic, more cohesive, in order to remain forever young, forever clean, without tornadoes, without rust, without buffoonery.

Let us make the New Agreement great, deep, real, bearing in mind that if we do not elevate ourselves, we cannot improve the country.

The post Historic protest by thousands of Albanians, Spiropali ‘hits’ Rama and Balluku: The SP must cleanse itself, without tornadoes, rust or buffoonery! If we do not elevate ourselves, the country will not improve appeared first on Albeu.com.

During inspections, it was verified that a vessel in Saranda had breached the safety perimeter, and investigations found that it did not have the mandatory documentation on board and had not been registered within the legal deadlines.

The vessel was seized and escorted to the port of Saranda, while the owner was given the corresponding administrative measures amounting to 530,000 new lek.

“During patrols, Border Police services found a watercraft that had entered the safety perimeter in the area where vacationers were swimming, endangering their lives and safety. Checks carried out showed that the vessel had not been registered within the deadlines provided by law and that the mandatory documentation was missing on board.

At the end of the administrative procedures, the watercraft was escorted and seized at the port of Saranda, while administrative measures totaling 530,000 new lek were imposed on the owner, in accordance with the violations found,” police said.

The State Police are calling on watercraft users and the entities that operate them to respect safety perimeters and navigation rules by not entering areas designated for vacationers.

Full statement:

Saranda

After breaching the safety perimeter and lacking the mandatory documentation on board, Border Police seize the watercraft and punish the owner with an administrative measure of 530,000 new lek.

Border Police services have intensified inspections and patrols along the entire coastline in order to guarantee the safety of vacationers and enforce navigation rules.

During patrols, Border Police services found a watercraft that had entered the safety perimeter in the area where vacationers were swimming, endangering their lives and safety.

Checks carried out showed that the vessel had not been registered within the deadlines provided by law and that the mandatory documentation was missing on board.

At the end of the administrative procedures, the watercraft was escorted and seized at the port of Saranda, while administrative measures totaling 530,000 new lek were imposed on the owner, in accordance with the violations found.

The State Police are calling on watercraft users and the entities that operate them to respect safety perimeters and navigation rules by not entering areas designated for vacationers.

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