The decision by six lawmakers from the Democratic League of Kosovo, who announced during a meeting of the Parliamentary Group that they would not support Bekim Sejdiu for president, has changed the political situation in the country.

Asked whether the session to constitute the Assembly would be scheduled, Peci said that talks must first be held between the two parties that had reached an agreement on the election of the president.

According to him, Vetëvendosje must first discuss the matter with its partners, while the LDK must then separately review its position and the path that should be followed to overcome the situation that has arisen. “This is an entirely new circumstance, so the parties must sit down and discuss it,” Peci said.

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The understanding reached between the Vetëvendosje Movement and the Democratic League of Kosovo over the candidacy of Bekim Sejdiu for the post of president could unblock the creation of Kosovo’s new institutions.

However, according to Naim Jakaj, a researcher at the Kosovo Law Institute, the process must begin with the resumption of the Assembly’s constitutive session. Only after this step is completed can the 11th Legislature become functional.

Jakaj told KosovaPress that Avni Dehari, in his capacity as chair of the constitutive session, must schedule its continuation without delay. Once the Assembly is constituted, the formation of the government will follow.

He explained that the Constitution also requires another presidential candidacy in order for an extraordinary session to be convened to elect the head of state.

According to him, the political parties can continue the constitutive session at any moment once they reach an agreement. After the Assembly is constituted, either the government or the president can be elected first, as there is no obstacle regarding this matter. For the government, the constitutional deadline is fifteen days from the moment the candidate is nominated, while for the president, two candidates and the holding of an extraordinary session are required.

Regarding Bekim Sejdiu, the researcher expressed caution about describing him as a unifying figure at this stage. According to him, such an assessment can be made only after Sejdiu has served his term.

Jakaj said that particular importance will lie in the way the candidate uses the president’s constitutional powers. These powers, he said, should be monitored continuously, especially the possibility of returning laws to the Assembly when they are deemed to conflict with the Constitution.

He stressed that Sejdiu’s experience and biography are not sufficient to predict whether he will be unifying, as the candidate comes from an agreement between LVV and LDK. Jakaj added that Sejdiu may perform the duty diligently and in accordance with the Constitution, but his conduct can be assessed only after he assumes the mandate.

The president has more than thirty powers, and the way they are exercised must be monitored every day, Jakaj emphasized. In this context, returning a law to the Assembly will be one of the indicators showing whether the Assembly is adopting norms that contradict the Constitution.

Aside from the issue of the candidacy, it is still unclear whether the votes needed to elect the president will be secured. Eighty votes are required in the first two rounds, while in the third round the candidate can be elected with 61 votes. However, eighty deputies must participate in this vote.

First, according to Jakaj, it must be seen whether all LDK deputies will support the agreement with LVV and Sejdiu’s candidacy. There are deputies in this party who have not wanted to engage in cooperation with the Vetëvendosje Movement.

The researcher said it remains to be seen whether these deputies will be included in the decision of the LDK leadership and whether they will vote for the candidate. It also remains open whether LVV leader Albin Kurti will ask LDK for a written commitment that all the necessary signatures and votes are in place.

Jakaj added that Kurti may also seek support from other parties so that he does not rely solely on the threshold of eighty deputies. He had previously requested that there be 85 deputies, and it must now be seen whether these votes will be secured.

On August 31, LVV and LDK agreed on the name of Bekim Sejdiu as a candidate for president of Kosovo.

Meanwhile, Kosovo’s Assembly remains unconstituted. In the two attempts so far, it has not been possible to elect the Assembly speaker and complete the constitution of the 11th Legislature.

The constitutive session remains the main point of confrontation between the parliamentary parties, while the inability to establish the institutions is deepening the political crisis in the country. Acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti has asked for time to reach a political agreement, with the aim of enabling the constitution of the Assembly and the formation of the new institutions. On the other hand, the Democratic Party of Kosovo and the Alliance have continued their political actions to demand that the constitutive session be held.

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Professor Muhamet Kelmendi has called on members of the Assembly of Kosovo to begin considering changing the state’s constitutional name from the Republic of Kosovo to the Republic of Dardania as soon as the new legislature is constituted.

According to Kelmendi, this is not merely a formal name change, but an issue concerning history, culture and national identity. He believes the matter should be addressed through an in-depth debate on the country’s historical heritage.

He argues that Dardania is an ancient name supported by historical and archaeological sources. In this regard, he also cites the Oxford Classical Dictionary, which describes the Dardanians as an ancient people who lived in the region of Kosovo and the upper Vardar Valley.

Kelmendi stresses that present-day Kosovo was the central area of Dardania, although the latter extended across a broader territory. He says that archaeological, epigraphic and cultural evidence examined in a study published by the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosovo, as well as research into late antiquity, links the central territory of the province of Dardania with present-day Kosovo.

According to him, studies of the Dardanian Kingdom date its political formation to the 4th century BC and portray it as an important political and military force in the Balkans. For this reason, Kelmendi says the name Dardania is not a modern creation, but a name with deep roots in the history of this region.

The professor also emphasizes that the Dardanians’ relationship with the Illyrian world has been part of a long historiographical tradition and archaeological research. Some contemporary studies consider the Dardanians part of the Illyrian world, while the ethnic continuity between ancient populations and Albanians, according to him, should be analyzed on the basis of scientific arguments rather than slogans.

Kelmendi believes these very elements make a serious national, academic and constitutional discussion on the possibility of restoring the name “Republic of Dardania” essential. He insists that the process should not be rushed, but conducted through institutional, academic and constitutional channels.

In his proposal, he suggests forming a special commission comprising historians, archaeologists, linguists, constitutional lawyers and institutional representatives. According to him, this body should comprehensively examine the issue of the name Dardania and then submit the relevant recommendations to the Assembly.

He says that if history and cultural heritage are considered part of the state’s identity, then they should also be discussed at the highest institutional level. According to Kelmendi, using the name Dardania would connect the present-day state with the documented ancient heritage of this area and with a name that existed thousands of years ago.

However, he clarifies that any such change must fully comply with the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo. The current Constitution names the state the “Republic of Kosovo,” so changing it would require a constitutional amendment rather than an ordinary decision by the Assembly.

Under Article 144, an amendment may be proposed by the Government, the President or at least one-quarter of the members of the Assembly. It must then be approved by two-thirds of all members, including two-thirds of those holding seats reserved or guaranteed for non-majority communities. The proposal must also undergo prior review by the Constitutional Court.

Kelmendi stresses that his appeal is not intended to prompt a symbolic or rushed step, but the formal launch of a historical, academic and constitutional process. He calls on lawmakers to conduct the debate with dignity, relying on facts, arguments and respect for the Constitution.

In conclusion, the professor tells lawmakers that responsibility for opening this discussion rests with them. He calls for serious consideration of the possibility that the state, through a democratic and constitutional procedure, could restore the ancient name “Republic of Dardania,” while wishing them success in serving the country and its history.

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Vlora Çitaku, Secretary of the Democratic Party of Kosovo, has asked Avni Dehari, who is chairing the session, to convene its continuation tomorrow at 11:00.

In a letter sent to the chair of the constitutive session, the PDK called for proceedings to continue in accordance with Article 9 of the Rules of Procedure of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo.

According to the political party, the fact that the Assembly was not constituted within the set deadline has already created a serious situation regarding the implementation of the Constitution and the rulings of the Constitutional Court.

“This situation is further aggravated by the failure to comply with the procedural deadlines set out in the Assembly’s Rules of Procedure,” the PDK’s request states.

The Democratic Party of Kosovo also cited the case law of the Constitutional Court, stressing that the Assembly must be constituted even though the constitutional deadline has passed.

“Missing the deadline does not eliminate the obligation to constitute the Assembly,” the letter states.

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One day after calling for the continuation of the constitutive session, deputies from the Democratic Party of Kosovo and two representatives of the Alliance appeared in the chamber of the Kosovo Assembly.

Representatives of the PDK and the Alliance called for the resumption of the constitutive session and the functioning of the institutions, while directing criticism at the Vetëvendosje Movement.

PDK MP Besa Kabashi-Ramaj said their request was fundamental and aimed at ensuring the functioning of the state. She called on Kurti to convene the session and allow the institutions to carry out their duties, stressing that Kosovo is not the property of one leader and that no one can hold the country’s future hostage. According to her, the consequences are being suffered by patients waiting for treatment, doctors working in difficult conditions, police officers, firefighters, teachers, students, farmers and businesses. Kabashi-Ramaj added that citizens are paying the price for preventing the state from becoming functional.

The Alliance also presented the same request for the constitution of the Assembly.

Alliance MP Besnik Tahiri said that the duty of MPs was to appear in the chamber entrusted to them by citizens through their vote. He conveyed two messages to the citizens of Kosovo, emphasizing that the constitution of parliament should not be linked to any other issue and that failing to constitute it was equivalent to refusing to take the first step. According to Tahiri, Albin Kurti has prevented Kosovo from taking this step. He said that the Alliance supports the constitution of the Assembly and the election of the president, while it would provide its 7 votes if the 6 proposed points were approved—points which, he said, had never been discussed.

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The administration of Kosovo’s Assembly said it had not been informed through official channels about the organization and holding of a plenary session on August 16, 2026. For this reason, the necessary preparations for holding it were not carried out.

The clarification came after reports that MPs had been prevented from entering the Plenary Session Hall.

In a statement, it said that no official notice of the session on August 16, 2026, had been conveyed to the Assembly Administration and, consequently, the administrative, technical and logistical measures required to organize it had not been taken.

The administration emphasized that the failure to receive the notice could not be interpreted as a political decision or as its position toward the initiatives and views of MPs or parliamentary groups.

According to the statement, the use and organization of the plenary hall are carried out in accordance with the Constitution of Kosovo, the Rules of Procedure of the Assembly and the institutional procedures in force.

It was further announced that the administration exercises its responsibilities impartially and independently, ensuring equal and professional support for all MPs.

In conclusion, the Assembly Administration announced that as soon as it receives official communication about the holding of a session, it will take the necessary steps and provide administrative, technical and logistical support within its remit.

Today, MPs from the PDK and the Alliance once again tried to enter the Assembly hall, but found it closed to them.

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The process of constituting the Kosovo Assembly remains deadlocked, as the political parties have yet to find common ground on how to resolve the situation.

Although a compromise remains elusive, the PDK is insisting that the constitutive session continue.

This insistence has sparked debate over whether the PDK’s aim is to get the institutional process back on track or to exert pressure on the other parties.

Meanwhile, it remains unclear whether the political parties should step up efforts to reach an agreement before the session resumes, so that the process is not dragged out any further.

The parties’ inability to reach a compromise is leaving the Assembly in deadlock and delaying the establishment of functioning institutions.

Under these circumstances, questions are also being raised about the consequences Kosovo could face if the political forces continue to fail to agree on a common way forward.

Avdimetaj Calls for Session to Continue and for Parties to Take Responsibility for Ending Institutional Deadlock

Analyst and activist Shefqet Avdimetaj told “Bota sot” that the PDK is right to call for the Assembly session to continue. According to him, in a parliamentary democracy, MPs should be inside the institution, not outside it.

He believes the call to continue the session can be interpreted as an attempt to get the process back on an institutional track and end a deadlock that has lasted beyond any reasonable limit.

However, Avdimetaj cautions that the resumption of the session must not end in another political confrontation without any result.

“If there is no willingness to vote and assume the responsibility entrusted to them by the citizens, then even the continuation of the session could turn into another form of obstruction,” he said.

According to Avdimetaj, responsibility for breaking the deadlock lies with all political forces, including the PDK, LDK, AAK and Vetëvendosje, which must sit down together and find an institutional solution.

He emphasizes that compromise is an element of democracy, but it cannot be used by one party to impose its will on another. At the same time, he says, the election result must be respected.

“We cannot demand democracy only when we like the result,” Avdimetaj said. He added that the opposition has the right to oppose, criticize and challenge the majority within the Assembly, but it cannot override the will of the citizens through political obstruction.

On the other hand, he stresses that the majority must also understand that a democratically secured mandate does not give it the right to ignore everyone else.

“Kosovo does not need temporary winners of a political battle. It needs functioning institutions,” Avdimetaj said.

He warns that the continuation of the political impasse risks undermining citizens’ trust both in politics and in the institutions of the Republic of Kosovo.

In his assessment, the main concern is not which party may win the political confrontation, but the possibility that “the citizens and the state will be the losers.”

In conclusion, Avdimetaj called on MPs to continue the session, vote and exercise the responsibility entrusted to them by the citizens.

“In a democracy, power is not seized through obstruction. Power is won through the vote and lost through the vote,” Avdimetaj concluded.

Dashi: Kosovo Is Not the Property of Political Parties; Personal and Party Interests Must Yield to the State

Commentator and activist Gazmend Dashi, analyzing the latest developments on the political scene, says the PDK’s approach deserves to be welcomed if its aim is to break the deadlock and make the institutions operational. However, he warns that such actions would be harmful to Kosovo if they are driven by narrow personal or party interests.

“Kosovo cannot be treated as the property of any political party or as a means of advancing individual interests,” Dashi told “Bota sot.” He added that such an approach would further damage Kosovo’s image in the international arena.

Dashi describes the current institutional situation as worrying, arguing that the failure to establish and operationalize stable institutions is pushing the country toward a cycle of political uncertainty. According to him, institutions must serve the citizens and the state, rather than be used as instruments for controlling power.

Referring to the LDK, he says the party has placed state and national interests above narrow party interests. Dashi says that, even under the current circumstances, the LDK is trying to contribute to finding a solution and overcoming the institutional collapse.

He calls on the political parties to abandon grudges, confrontations and narrow calculations, because, according to him, Kosovo stands above every party and is more important than any individual.

Dashi calls for a healthy balance to be created in politics so that no political party can govern without accountability and institutional oversight. He argues that democratic pluralism can be protected and the concentration of power prevented only through such a balance.

Finally, the commentator calls for respect for the Constitution, the establishment of functioning institutions and the development of a new political culture in which an opponent is regarded as part of democracy rather than as an enemy.

“Parties come and go, individuals change, but the state remains,” Dashi concluded, ending his message with the appeal: “Kosovo above all! The state above the party! The national interest above personal interest!”

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This Wednesday, several verbal clashes took place on the premises of the Kosovo Assembly between opposition MPs and representatives of the Vetëvendosje Movement.

Acting Justice Minister Donika Gërvalla, who had entered the chamber for the “Compatriots in the Assembly” event, called on opposition MPs to attend the meetings convened by LVV to reach a political agreement.

“Come to the meeting,” Gërvalla told the MPs, who were chanting, “Call the session!”

There were also clashes between PDK MP Ganimete Musliu and LVV MPs Arbërie Nagavci and Egzon Azemi.

Musliu called them “supercriminals” and repeated the demand for the session to resume. She and AAK MP Albana Bytyqi threw papers toward Nagavci, while at one point Bytyqi was seen pushing her.

Other clashes also involved acting president Albulena Haxhiu, LVV MP Ardian Gola, and PDK MPs Vlora Çitaku, Eman Rrahmani and Blerta Deliu-Kodra.

The dispute over resuming the session comes after the 30-day deadline for constituting the Assembly expired.

The constituent session began on August 6, but the Assembly failed to complete the election of its speaker and deputy speakers. The process remained suspended due to the lack of a political agreement.

However, Gërvalla said LVV’s interpretation is that the session must be concluded within 30 days of its commencement.

PDK and AAK have asked Avni Dehari, who chairs the constituent session, to convene its continuation, while the Vetëvendosje Movement has insisted that a political agreement must first be reached.

Naim Jakaj of the Kosovo Law Institute called the demand for the session to continue “justified,” despite the expiry of the 30-day deadline.

“The fact that the constitutional deadline of 30 days has already been breached does not mean that the process should stop. On the contrary, after the deadline has been breached, the obligation to constitute the Assembly remains, and MPs must complete this process without further delay,” Jakaj told Radio Free Europe.

He explained that the Constitution does not provide for the Assembly to be dissolved automatically after the 30-day deadline has passed.

“The session must continue exactly where it was interrupted, and the Assembly must proceed with the election of the speaker and deputy speakers. Negotiations on electing the president are a separate constitutional process and cannot be made a prerequisite for constituting the Assembly,” Jakaj said.

The final results of the June 7 elections were certified on July 8, while the 30-day deadline for constituting the Assembly expired on August 7.

For this very reason, 14 civil society organizations, led by AVONET, have petitioned the Constitutional Court.

The head of PDK’s parliamentary group, Arian Tahiri, said his party is seeking to make the Assembly functional and protect the constitutional order.

“If all options within the Assembly are exhausted, we will take further courageous steps to protect the state,” Tahiri said.

AAK MP Besnik Tahiri also said his party would not allow what he described as “the violation of citizens’ rights.”

After the speeches, PDK and AAK MPs left the chamber and continued to remain in the Assembly lobby.

Shortly before they left, two MPs from the Vetëvendosje Movement also entered the chamber. MP Vigan Qorrolli said they were attending the event with the diaspora, while describing the opposition’s action as “permissible.”

However, Qorrolli reiterated LVV’s position that a political agreement must first be reached on continuing the constitution of the Assembly and forming the government.

PDK said all parties had been invited to attend in the chamber, but LDK MPs were not seen there.

Meanwhile, Dehari has said the session should not continue without a political agreement among the parties.

At the heart of the political deadlock remains the issue of electing the next president.

The Vetëvendosje Movement has called for a broader political agreement and a consensus, nonpartisan presidential candidate, while LDK has demanded that the post go to it.

PDK has insisted that constitutional procedures must first be respected and the constitution of the Assembly completed. AAK, meanwhile, has demanded compliance with constitutional deadlines and blamed Vetëvendosje for the institutional deadlock.

The European Union has called on Kosovo’s political parties to reach an agreement on a joint presidential candidate as soon as possible, warning that delays in forming the institutions could hinder reforms and affect access to EU funds./ RFE

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Deputies from the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo have decided to remain inside the Assembly’s plenary hall.

Besnik Tahiri, a representative of the party, confirmed that they would join the deputies of the Democratic Party of Kosovo, who had also announced that they would be present in the hall from 11:00, calling on Avni Dehari, who is chairing the constituent session, to convene the continuation of proceedings.

At the same time, journalists are being denied entry to the Assembly building, apparently because of PDK’s announced presence in the plenary hall.

“As you know, PDK has called a session for 11:00, and the Alliance will take part. The information now is that the media are not being allowed to attend the session. We do not know how or why. However, the lack of transparency and the approach we are facing from LVV are leading the state of Kosovo into an abyss,” Tahiri declared.

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The deadline set by the Constitutional Court for the constitution of the eleventh Legislature expired on August 7, but lawmakers failed to complete the process. Clashes between political parties continue, while the functioning of institutions is facing increasingly serious consequences. The Kosovo Democratic Institute estimates that the country is moving closer to a new election process.

Although they were elected by citizens, lawmakers failed to complete the constitution of the new legislature within the constitutional deadline, which expired on August 7.

Vetëvendosje, which emerged victorious in the June 7 elections, has requested more time to consider the possibility of a political agreement on the election of a new president. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party of Kosovo, the Democratic League of Kosovo and the Alliance insist that the Assembly be constituted.

Political analyst Artan Muhaxhiri considers the current crisis extremely serious and concerning, linking it to last year’s political deadlock. According to him, in the absence of a solution between the parties, the Constitutional Court may once again be the institution to bring the situation to an end.

Muhaxhiri says that the political parties are proving incapable and irresponsible in finding an acceptable compromise on their own. For this reason, he expects the Constitutional Court to be forced to issue a decision which, due to political irresponsibility, could create a negative precedent for the state of Kosovo.

The analyst warns that prolonging the crisis would further damage Kosovo’s image. According to him, the political solution is linked to a compromise over the post of president, which should go to the party that won the elections.

He stresses that this is the only possibility for unblocking the situation and that Mr. Kurti, together with his party, should accept this option. Muhaxhiri assesses that any other alternative would mean the continuation of the deadlock and the current crisis. He warns that if the issue is not finally resolved, Kosovo could become an object of ridicule, as the parties are neither finding a solution nor making use of the legal avenues that could help overcome the impasse.

The political situation has also been commented on by the Kosovo Democratic Institute. According to KDI, current developments are pushing the country toward new elections, but another election process could also result in a new deadlock.

Naim Jakaj of KDI said that new elections risk producing another political impasse. He said that dozens of institutions and collegial bodies remain unfilled because the Assembly and the Government have not made the relevant appointments. As a result, some of them are paralyzed, some operate with limited capacity, while others have no boards or leaders with a full mandate.

According to KDI’s assessment, this situation affects at least 24 institutions. The institute warns that the consequences harm the normal functioning of the state, undermine the rule of law and weaken the institutional integrity of the Republic of Kosovo. Meanwhile, the political parties have still failed to reach an agreement to end the institutional deadlock.

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