In a conversation with “Fortune Greece” magazine, Linda Rama has addressed the opportunities and difficulties facing the Western Balkans, highlighting that the region is at a transitional point between economic stability and a sustainable rapprochement with the European Union.

An expert in the economic field with a pronounced engagement in social issues and deep knowledge of societal, political, and economic changes in the area, Linda Rama examines the fundamental transformations, challenges, and perspectives of the region. She holds a PhD in Economics, is one of the founders of the Center for the Promotion of Human Development in Albania, and is the wife of the Prime Minister of Albania, Edi Rama. Her perspective is unique and deeply analytical. Her long-term work in the sphere of human rights and social equality has had a significant impact beyond Albania’s borders, offering a distinct expert lens on the Western Balkans, both from the inside and the outside, in the capacity of a “structural economist” specialized in social development, work ethics, and professional skills.

During the interview, Linda Rama emphasizes that the key question for the Western Balkans today is whether institutions, companies, and societies themselves can adapt sufficiently to flourish within the EU system and, at the same time, in a global environment marked by fragmentation, security tensions, rapid technological progress, climate emergency, and geopolitical uncertainty.

She assesses the new Growth Plan for the Western Balkans as an important chance to bring the region’s states together around a common platform of reforms and economic advancement. According to her, the “new rules of the game” will be built on foundations such as institutions that inspire trust, businesses capable of large-scale growth, facilitating policies for the spread of innovation and technology in education, and a regional cooperation that generates a larger economic space, instead of small political divisions.

How do you describe the phases of the region’s transformation since the 1990s and what changes has it undergone to this day?

The Western Balkans is one of the territories in post-1990 Europe that has undergone extraordinarily profound political, social, and economic metamorphoses. Without any doubt, in the case of Albania, the dimensions of this transformation have been even more radical than in neighboring countries, especially considering the extreme communist isolation from the region and the world, as well as a deeply underdeveloped pre-communist past. The true reward of this major historical change will only come with the full integration of the Western Balkans into the European Union.

In the past three decades, macroeconomic management has generally improved, public finances have been consolidated, public services on digital platforms have been extended, infrastructural connections have advanced, and there is a much stronger awareness that the quality of governance is not a side detail, but the pillar upon which economic transformation is built. Today, the issue for the region is whether our institutions, enterprises, and societies can develop the adaptive capacity to succeed within the EU framework and in the face of a world defined by fragmentation, security threats, speed of technological innovation, climate crisis, and geopolitical uncertainty.

Where does the region stand at the current moment?

In my opinion, we are in an intermediate phase. The Western Balkans has left behind the phase of elementary economic stabilization but has not yet entered a stage of sustainable and productivity-driven convergence with the EU. Meanwhile, bridging the institutional gap between the region and the European Union continues to be the weakest point for every country here. Referring to the economy, it is obvious that growth in itself is no longer enough.

What matters is the structure of growth. Its quality and inclusiveness are essential. And above all, the ability to guarantee a fair sequence of reforms and to turn policies into genuine economic and societal transformation. Along this path, the expansion of the region’s economy is burdened by population decline, aging, emigration, limited market and business sizes, narrow fiscal space, shallow capital markets, labor force shortages and skill mismatches, as well as institutions that are often more skilled at control than at coordination. However, digitalization, innovation, and investments made over the years in human capital constitute the most powerful allies in overcoming some of these pressures.

Is the change visible for an entrepreneur visiting the Western Balkans today, especially after 2020?

The change in the region is becoming more tangible every day, and the Western Balkans is gradually turning into a better place to live. Let’s illustrate with the case of Albania. The influx of tourists visiting it has quadrupled compared to ten years ago, and especially after 2020, the country experienced an extraordinary boom in visitors, giving a new impetus to the tourism sector and those related to it. This reality stems from a modernizing vision focused on reforms, which materializes more and more every day thanks to the efforts of state institutions, entrepreneurs, and the communities themselves.

Also, it is important to emphasize that the changing perception of the region has also been influenced by the EU’s new approach to the development of the Western Balkans. Specifically, the European Union has tried not to repeat the mistakes of previous enlargement processes. This is reflected in the new enlargement methodology and in the strategic and financial initiative called the new Growth Plan for the Western Balkans. This instrument represents a concrete opportunity that has brought the region’s countries closer around a common reform agenda and economic development, making the region more interconnected and fostering a positive competition among them to advance towards membership. Starting from 2023, the agenda took on a more pronounced geopolitical coloring and was directly linked to the accession process.

The Growth Plan and the corresponding Reform and Growth Facility linked financing to the concrete implementation of reforms and enabled gradual access to elements of the EU Single Market before membership. This marks a new stage: more political, more challenging, and with greater transformative potential, which aims not just for a more connected region, but also a more functional one compatible with European standards.

The most vital issue for the region is not to waste more time and to gain self-confidence. It remains to be seen how the accession path will evolve, but what gives hope is that never before has it been discussed as much as in recent years which Western Balkan country will be the next member of the EU.

What is the role of the spread of technology and innovation for the region?

We often treat innovation as if every country must be a pioneer at the frontiers of technology. But for most small and middle-income economies, like those in our region, the real economic benefit does not lie in discovery at the frontier. It lies in the ability to absorb, adapt, scale, and generalize existing technologies across the entire economy with speed and breadth. The most transformative question for the Balkan countries is not about the ability to create new technologies, but about the capacity to diffuse them.

This may seem less attractive than the ambition to become the next Silicon Valley, but in essence, it is much more vital. The region needs to increase productivity and improve the quality of growth. Productivity does not increase from one or two excellent firms. It increases when thousands of companies improve the way they produce, manage, export, train staff, use data, and integrate into supply chains.

What does this require from governments and businesses in practice?

First, the process of digitalization should not be limited only to consumer conveniences but must penetrate the productive core of the economy: in industry, logistics, agriculture, tourism, energy, and business services.

Second, the profile of the post-communist entrepreneur was that of an ambitious individual, ready for risk and to exploit opportunities of a different nature, dictated by the development phase and the problems of the transition. However, these entrepreneurs were not necessarily equipped to adopt new management practices in the era of the technological revolution. Today, companies need managerial advancement just as much as technical advancement. A single machine cannot transform an enterprise. New organizational practices, genuine governance, professional management, and market access are essential.

Third, the state has an important function, not by replacing private initiative, but by facilitating the spread of innovation through education, infrastructure, standards, competition policy, and an intelligent system of public procurement.

Which government initiatives have made a difference in Albania in recent years?

In the field of innovation and technology, in an initially very skeptical environment, a decade ago the Albanian government escalated the digital revolution in public services, turning it into a national priority with measurable objectives and supporting it with full funding and high-quality human capital. From 14 online services that existed in 2013, today 1,275 electronic services are offered to around 3.5 million citizens and businesses. Between institutions, 850 thousand documents are exchanged to complete applicant files, and 66 interconnected electronic registers between government agencies enable the automatic filling of 70% of fields in application forms on the e-Albania platform.

This impressive achievement has been assessed by several international evaluation systems, which rank Albania in the category of countries with a “very high” e-government development index and a high Gov Tech maturity index. The savings in time, money, materials, and stress are incalculable.

The other side of the coin consists of companies that still hesitate to embrace digitalization, while Albania is building a new focus: public support for innovation. In this direction, Serbia serves as a successful model, having one of the strongest innovation and startup ecosystems in the Western Balkans, especially around Belgrade and Novi Sad. Strong government support through investments in technology parks, incentives for startups, fiscal benefits for IT companies, and grants from the Innovation Fund of Serbia have been essential contributions to this progress. In conclusion, the Western Balkan countries must not only accelerate the digitalization agenda but also create a model where innovation is no longer treated separately between public administration and private enterprise, but where both sides interact through structured open innovation mechanisms.

What is the link between talent and innovation in the region?

The Western Balkans has never lacked human talent or intellectual potential. On the contrary, the region has consistently produced outstanding personalities in various fields such as engineering, medicine, entrepreneurship, design, mathematics, professional expertise, and digital services. The problem was not the lack of talent, but the lack of an economic and social ecosystem that could utilize and retain it within the country.

Moreover, innovation in this area did not arise from the abundance of resources, but precisely because talented people were forced to find efficient and creative solutions with limited means. One of the region’s main advantages is the capacity to adapt. Because businesses and individuals often had to operate under conditions of economic uncertainty, many entrepreneurs and professionals developed a culture of flexibility, problem-solving, and resilience. These traits are extremely valuable in modern innovation-driven economies.

Similarly, the region’s large diaspora has strengthened this link between talent and innovation. Professionals who are educated or work abroad are increasingly contributing through investments, mentoring, international networks, and the transfer of knowledge and business culture to their countries of origin.

How can the brain drain be stopped in the face of the rapid pace of technology?

After the fall of communism, many Western Balkan states inherited a great advantage: a population significantly younger than the European average. This constituted an important demographic gift and a golden opportunity for long-term development.

However, instead of fully exploiting this advantage, the region gradually lost a large part of it. Initially through powerful waves of emigration driven by unemployment, economic insecurity, and political instability. Subsequently, the decline in birth rates further exacerbated demographic pressures. Put bluntly, the region lacked the economic strength and institutional stability to retain a good portion of its own human capacities.

It has become clear that without sustainable economic opportunities, halting mobility is almost impossible. People naturally gravitate where they perceive opportunity, security, and professional appreciation. But precisely here, I think a change in mindset is needed. The phenomenon of the brain drain is real and costly. Nevertheless, the diaspora does not only represent a symptom of loss. It can turn into a strategic asset if we stop thinking about human capital in purely territorial terms.

The question is no longer simply how to keep everyone at home, which is neither realistic nor necessarily desirable. The question is how to turn mobility into circulation, and circulation into development. We must create internal conditions where staying, or returning, is a rational choice. People do not leave simply for higher wages. They also leave because of unpredictability, lack of meritocracy, heavy bureaucracy, weak research environments, and the feeling that effort does not match opportunity. So, the solution to the talent conundrum is not sentimental but structural. Stronger institutions, more livable cities, better quality schools and universities, and a more dynamic private sector are all part of an effective talent policy.

Can some cultural traits of the region be transformed in favor of growth?

The issue of culture is perhaps the most delicate, as culture is often mentioned either with much superficiality or with excessive fatalism.

We often hear that the region is hindered by mistrust, short-term thinking, rigid hierarchies, fear of failure, informality, or the tendency to rely on personal networks rather than impartial systems. These observations have a basis in truth. But culture is not an unavoidable fate. It changes when incentives change, when institutions change, and when society begins to value and reward different behaviors.

If a young person sees that initiative is punished, conformism is favored, and rules are applied selectively, then a culture of caution and cynicism will perpetuate itself. But if institutions start to promote competence, transparency, cooperation, and the courage to experiment, then cultural norms will also undergo a metamorphosis.

In other words, culture is not transformed by moral lectures, but through repeated experiences of what works and what is truly valued. I would like to add that the region sometimes underestimates one of its potential assets: relational density. The Western Balkans is a space of proximity, where language, historical references, narratives, and human acquaintances intertwine. These can be sources of friction, but at the same time, they can be turned into an economic advantage. Areas do not grow only through competition. They also grow thanks to networks, complementarity, and common platforms.

How can the unexplored space for regional cooperation be utilized?

The Western Balkans does not need to become something else to succeed. It needs to become more efficient in utilizing what it already possesses: talent, geographical proximity, entrepreneurial energy, adaptability, and a growing awareness that old development models have reached their limits. The next chapter for the region will not be written with grand declarations. It will be written by our ability to build institutions that generate trust, companies that can grow in scale, policies that promote the spread of knowledge, and a regional cooperation that creates a larger economic market, instead of small political divisions.

If we manage to do this, then the Western Balkans can transform from a periphery trying to catch up into a connected, intelligent, and increasingly important part of the European future. And precisely here lies the true reason for optimism: because the region’s greatest opportunity does not lie in waiting for history to improve on its own, but in learning how to organize ourselves better. And together.

The post Linda Rama Speaks to “Fortune Greece”: A New Development Opportunity for the Western Balkans appeared first on Albeu.com.

Analyst Milaim Nela commented on the interview of former Kosovo President Hashim Thaçi given to journalist Ermal Panduri, casting doubt on whether the statements were actually drafted by Thaçi himself.

According to Nela, the content of the interview suggests that someone else might be behind it, aiming to protect the former president ahead of the Special Court’s decision. However, the analyst considers that the result was the opposite.

“I strongly suspect that Hashim Thaçi’s interview with Ermal Panduri is not his own. It seems to have been written by someone who wanted to protect him on the eve of the Special Court’s decision, but in fact it has sunk him!” Nela wrote.

One of the issues he questions relates to the statement about the period when the Albanian delegation met with Bob Dole in Skopje. Nela says that Thaçi cannot fail to remember where he was at that time.

“First, I do not believe that Thaçi would not remember that at the time of the Albanian delegation’s meeting with Bob Dole in Skopje, he was in Tirana with Paskal Milo, not in the Sharri Mountains!” he stated.

The analyst also objected to the way, in his view, Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama was evaluated in the interview.

Nela considers the positive stance toward Rama incomprehensible, given the role he attributes to the Albanian prime minister in some political developments that have affected Kosovo.

“Second, the praise for Edi Rama, who flew by helicopter from Tirana to persuade him to vote at all costs for the Special Court, brought him into the ‘Open Balkan’ game, then into the scenario of Kosovo’s partition, and now pretends to defend him, cannot be explained rationally!” Nela declared.

In conclusion, he presented three hypotheses for this stance: Thaçi may have serious problems with logic and reasoning, may be being blackmailed, or the interview may not have been written by him.

“Either Thaçi has serious problems with basic elements of logic and reasoning, is being blackmailed, or it is not him!” concludes analyst Milaim Nela’s reaction.

The post Milaim Nela doubts the authorship of Thaçi’s interview: Instead of protecting him, it sank him appeared first on Albeu.com.

Former Interior Minister Sandër Lleshaj describes citizens’ right to protest as an essential element of democracy and views the latest wave of protests as an important development for the country. In an interview, he criticizes political representation in Albania and the country’s inherited political class.

Lleshaj says the protests have highlighted the need for a profound change to the system and calls for a new law on political parties to be drafted. According to him, Albania’s current model of governance and democratic functioning must be fundamentally overhauled.

The former Socialist minister delivers a direct message to Prime Minister Edi Rama, stressing that resignation should not be seen as a tragedy, but as a decision that can be taken when “the time is ripe.”

Regarding the case of Belinda Balluku, Lleshaj stresses that justice cannot function only if someone decides to surrender or hand over another person.

Mr. Lleshaj, how do you view the wave of citizen protests demanding Prime Minister Edi Rama’s resignation? What do you think has prompted Albanians to take to the streets again?

The protests have brought a new and necessary movement to the country’s public life after a long period of political and social stagnation. Their scale is also demonstrated by the widespread attention they have received internationally.

While in democratic countries parliament is the arena in which political parties operate and the streets belong to citizens who do not feel represented, Albania has experienced the opposite in recent years. Parliamentary parties have protested in the streets, while playing an almost peripheral role in the Assembly.

This time, something normal appears to be happening: citizens are in the streets, while the politicians paid with their taxes no longer seem to have a place there. Moreover, it is unclear where those politicians are today.

Could the situation worsen because the protesters’ demands are not being answered?

Politics must take seriously even the protest of a single citizen. It must show respect toward the people who finance it with their taxes. That respect begins with listening, without commentary and without attempts to downplay what is being demanded.

The attempt to delegitimize protesters by looking for motives other than the fact that they are citizens expressing their dissatisfaction is outdated. Ultimately, the government is also responsible for ensuring the safety of its own citizens’ protests.

It must also protect protests from possible foreign influence or infiltration, about which there has been much speculation but no evidence. Even during the protests and tragic events of 1997, the government of the time readily attributed responsibility to foreign intelligence services, as if it had no obligation to protect the country from them.

Under the present circumstances, there is only one way forward: the protests must be heard, understood and met with understanding.

In your view, should Edi Rama resign to pave the way for a political solution?

If I were still in communication with the prime minister and if he showed a willingness to accept advice, perhaps I would offer it. But time has also brought that communication to an end. For that reason, under present circumstances, all that is left for me is the ethical and professional silence associated with my former political relationship with the prime minister.

Nevertheless, my personal conviction is that resignation is not a tragedy. It can be a kind of blessing that a person experiences when the time is ripe. I experienced that feeling myself in 2020, when I stepped down as interior minister after one of thousands of police officers committed a crime at midnight while on patrol duty.

Every day that has passed since then has only strengthened my conviction that the decision was a blessing.

As a former interior minister, how do you assess the way the state is managing large citizen protests, particularly when there have also been cases of violence against protesters?

Once, during an interview, I was asked how the police would respond if the people attacked polling stations on election day. My answer was that the police would do nothing, because their mission is not to prevent the people from expressing their will, whatever that may be.

That is also my answer today. The police’s mission is to ensure that protests proceed normally. At the same time, they must confront crime and every violation of the law, while always respecting the principles of proportionality and restraint.

I have summarized this approach in what I call the 110 principle. It means that the police should respond to violent actions one step later in time, with one level less force than that used against them, and that the outcome of police intervention must be zero casualties.

That is the entire strategy: 110. The police belong to the citizens before they belong to the state. I regret that I did not have the opportunity to complete an initiative I once considered to change its name from the “State Police” to the “Albanian Police.” A police force that has historically belonged only to the state must increasingly become a police force for the citizens.

The protesters are demanding the transformation of the system, the removal of the old political class and the building of a new Albania that should be led by young people. How do you view this demand?

The protests have highlighted Albania’s most fundamental problem: the complete exhaustion of the political class inherited from the Party of Labour of Albania, in the form of the daughter parties it created at the end of its existence.

This is, in fact, the first and last problem the country must address. But instead of focusing on this issue, the protest has expanded to such a large number of topics and proposals that it has reached the level of cacophony.

Before addressing laws on strategic investments, protected areas, elections and other similar issues, Albania must change the political system that has produced the anomalies of recent decades.

The protest appears to be pursuing many objectives simultaneously, and it is well known what result comes from trying to hit two targets with one stone. Under the legislation developed over three decades, Albania is, de jure and de facto, hostage to political parties—or worse still, hostage to their leaders.

These leaders have the legal right to determine themselves the lists of candidates for whom Albanian citizens must vote. As a result, the Assembly has been filled with people appointed by the leaders of the parliamentary parties.

This situation is more than alarming. If parliament is not protected as the temple of democracy, nothing else can be protected: neither lagoons as the “temple” of flamingos, nor natural resources, nor public property.

If the protest were to bring about one genuine benefit for society, it would be to force the adoption of a new law on political parties. This law must strip them of their exclusive hold over representation and establish legal standards for the democratic election of party leaders, governing bodies and, above all, the candidates that parties field in elections, as happens in the Europe we aspire to join.

As long as Albanian citizens cannot exercise their constitutional right to stand for election and to vote without being dependent on the will of political party leaders, democracy in Albania will remain merely a propaganda slogan.

As for the idea of “power for the young,” I would say that it is a cliché that, although it sounds appealing, can be dangerous. It is similar to the cliché that women are incorruptible.

Young people undoubtedly have the right and the duty to participate in building the country’s future, which is also their own future. But this does not justify any kind of discrimination based on age.

The issue should not be framed as a choice between the departure of the old and the arrival of the young. In the state administration and the private sector, people should be engaged according to their skills and capabilities.

The knowledge and experience of the “old” cannot be excluded merely to make way for the energy of the “young.” Both qualities must be combined to achieve the best result.

Behind slogans promoting the “young” and “women” often lies the risk of their misuse. In certain cases, it is precisely a lack of qualifications and experience that becomes the weak point from which failure and corruption begin.

Have we still not understood that experiments in this regard have embarrassed us at international negotiating tables? In quite a few cases, young officials with polished appearances but insufficient knowledge and experience have made a very poor impression when facing international officials experienced in matters of state.

Have we not understood that the many failures of recent decades also bear the mark of numerous young people promoted solely because of their age, who failed for precisely that reason? Compared with other countries, Albania has an extraordinarily large number of young people in parliament and throughout state offices, but this has not helped the country.

Young people should have every opportunity and avenue to demonstrate their talent and energy. But rapidly placing them in positions that would normally require experience is harmful to everyone.

Perhaps it would be useful to understand the meaning of the English word “senior,” which is used to describe many high-level positions in the economy, public administration and politics.

One of the protesters’ demands is also the formation of a technical government with a one-year mandate. What do you think of this proposal?

This is another element that adds to the protest’s cacophony. A technical government would simply be a waste of time and the best way to bring the protest itself to an end without achieving any result.

Albania needs the fundamental political change I mentioned earlier: a new law on political parties. If that does not happen, a technical government would merely give party leaders the opportunity to catapult the same political kamikazes into the next parliament and create a replica of the current one.

The country does not need another political cycle with new actors, but a fundamental change to the system that produces the Albanian parliament.

The protesters are also demanding that Belinda Balluku’s immunity be lifted and that she be arrested. In your view, why is the justice system not acting against the former deputy prime minister? Is the argument that the Socialist Party is not handing her over convincing?

Justice must not depend on someone’s willingness to hand over a person or to submit to a process. If being handed over or surrendering voluntarily are prerequisites for justice to function, then justice appears to be absent.

Do you think SPAK is applying the same standard to all senior officials? What message would be conveyed by investigating every official against whom there is sufficient evidence or indication of wrongdoing?

I think the public’s expectations of SPAK have turned into a form of great naivety and illusion. SPAK has an obligation to bring before justice those who violate the law, but we cannot expect it to solve the fundamental problems associated with the lack of democratic legitimacy of institutions that rank above SPAK itself.

SPAK cannot give legitimacy or credibility to a discredited parliament. At best, this parliament produces anecdotes and ridiculous stories about the country; at worst, it passes laws that harm the public interest.

Without a dignified parliament elected by Albanians rather than by party leaders, neither SPAK nor the creation of a thousand other bodies would be enough. Things would continue along the same course.

To be continued tomorrow…

The post INTERVIEW/ Sandër Lleshaj Backs Protesters and Addresses Rama: Resignation Is Not a Tragedy, the Time Is Ripe! appeared first on Albeu.com.

Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama gave an interview to well-known TikToker Max Klymenko during the NATO summit held several weeks ago.

During the interview, Klymenko asked the head of government what the hardest part of his job was. Rama replied briefly: “Not going crazy.” He said his favorite part was doing things that are good for people.

He then asked him what the biggest threat to Albania was. Rama said the biggest threat to Albania was Albanians themselves, in the sense that they must be aware that there is a great deal of work to be done and that they must continue moving toward the European Union.

The prime minister also discussed his relationships with other European leaders and beyond. He singled out his relationship with Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, adding that Albania and Italy have a special relationship.

Interview:

Max Klymenko: The Prime Minister of Albania should be in this room. The Prime Minister of Albania should be in this room. There’s no one here. Albania has one of the most beautiful flags there is. Oh, hello.

Edi Rama: Hello.

Max Klymenko: How are you doing?

Edi Rama: Good.

Max Klymenko: I just want to ask you a few questions, if that’s all right.

Edi Rama: Of course.

Max Klymenko: What would you say is the hardest part of your job?

Edi Rama: Not going crazy.

Max Klymenko: And what is your favorite part of the job?

Edi Rama: The things that are good for people.

Max Klymenko: How is Albania helping Ukraine?

Edi Rama: Listen, we have tried to do our best. We are not a large country. Nor are we a rich country. But we have stood by Ukraine with everything we could.

Max Klymenko: In your opinion, what is the biggest threat to Albania?

Edi Rama: The biggest threat to Albania is Albanians, in the sense that we must be aware that we have a great deal of work to do and that we must continue moving toward the European Union. And once we are inside the European Union, we will also be safe from ourselves.

Max Klymenko: Yours is the profession with the second-lowest amount of sleep in the world. Only doctors sleep less than politicians. How much sleep do you usually get?

Edi Rama: Five hours on average, perhaps even less.

Max Klymenko: Which world leader would you say you have the best relationship with? And which would you say you have the most challenging relationship with?

Edi Rama: I have good relationships with everyone. Perhaps my best relationship is with Giorgia. We also have a special relationship between Albania and Italy. I had a very challenging relationship with Mark Rutte when he was prime minister of the Netherlands. But then we became very good friends, and we have a special friendship. And he is, without question, the man who knows best how to handle Donald Trump.

Max Klymenko: How many professions have you had in your life? Could you list some of the things you have done?

Edi Rama: I was a full-time artist, and then I became… Did I become a politician? I hope not. But otherwise, I have done many things. I played basketball and made it as far as the national team, not because I was very good, but because I was tall.

Max Klymenko: Are you happy for the Knicks?

Edi Rama: I no longer follow basketball with the black jerseys off the court. It is no longer the same sport.

Max Klymenko: And finally, I see that we have to go. The final question I ask is: What advice would you give a young person today?

Edi Rama: Listen, when I was a child, I was always very, very uncomfortable when I had to receive advice. And when I became a young man, I promised myself that as soon as I became an adult, I would never give advice to young people. It is not a good idea.

The post Rama: The Hardest Part of My Job Is Not Going Crazy; the Biggest Threat to Albania Is Albanians! appeared first on Albeu.com.

He described this issue as a “long-fabricated topic by his political opponents,” stressing that he does not succumb to pressure and asked the prosecution to investigate the case to the end.

“This is a case fabricated long ago by my political rivals, who have implicated me in the expropriations in Shipitullë. I am extremely pleased that the Prosecution has started to address this case and I call on them to see it through to the end,” Thaçi told reporters after his testimony session.

The mayor also added that he aims to bring back to attention the problems of the residents of Shipitullë and Hade, who he said have been neglected.

The post Thaçi Speaks After Testimony on Expropriations in Shipitullë: Accusation Fabricated by Political Opponents appeared first on Albeu.com.

Those taking part in the process were Atdhe Dema, Naim Abazi, Rafet Halimi, Shqipdon Fazliu and Zejnulla Gashi.

The interviews began at 11:00 a.m. and ended at 5:45 p.m.

Each candidate was interviewed for 45 minutes to one hour, while all answered nine questions, which were the same for each of them.

This process was monitored by KosovaPress.

Three hours before the start of the interviews, at 08:00, the Evaluation Panel held a meeting to prepare the standard questions.

The Kosovo Prosecutorial System is expected to hold a press conference starting at 18:00, when the results of the interviewed candidates are expected to be published.

The post Five candidates interviewed for the position of Chief State Prosecutor appeared first on Albeu.com.

The announcement states that, pursuant to Article 3 (6A) of Regulation 07/2026 amending and supplementing Regulation 07/2024 on the appointment of the State Chief Prosecutor and chief prosecutors of the prosecution offices of the Republic of Kosovo, this process will be held in the meeting room on the sixth floor of the KPK.

The Evaluation Panel will begin drafting questions at 08:00, while the interviews with the candidates are scheduled to start at 11:00.

According to the agenda published by the KPK, the order of the interviews is as follows:

Atdhe Dema – 11:00

Naim Abazi – 13:00

Rafet Halimi – 14:15

Shqipdon Fazliu – 15:30

Zejnulla Gashi – 16:45

A break has been scheduled from 12:00 to 13:00.

The KPK has called on all interested parties who wish to monitor this process to respect the established schedule and rules. Due to limited space capacity, those interested must confirm the name of one representative or monitor through the Office for Public Communication at the email address [email protected], no later than June 26, 2026.

The post On July 1, 2026, interviews will be held with five candidates for the position of State Chief Prosecutor appeared first on Albeu.com.