AVONET, together with 13 other civil society organizations, has submitted a request to the Constitutional Court of Kosovo for a review of the manner in which Judgment KO124/25 is being implemented, concerning the deadline for the constitution of the Assembly.

According to AVONET’s statement to the media, the initiative was undertaken following recent developments in the procedure for constituting the Assembly elected in the June 7, 2026 elections.

The organizations assess that the 30-day deadline for constituting the Assembly expired on August 7. Meanwhile, the constitutive session held on August 6 did not conclude with the election of the Speaker and Deputy Speakers of the Assembly.

Referring to Judgment KO124/25, they emphasize that holding a session that does not conclude with the election of the Speaker and Deputy Speakers cannot be considered the constitution of the Assembly.

AVONET said that the continuation of the session had been scheduled for August 8, after the 30-day deadline had expired.

Through their request, the organizations have asked the Constitutional Court to determine whether Judgment KO124/25 was implemented in accordance with its content and within the stipulated deadline.

The request is based on Rule 60 of the Rules of Procedure of the Constitutional Court, which sets out the procedure for claims concerning the non-implementation of a decision of the Court.

If the Court determines that the decision was not implemented, AVONET and the signatory organizations are requesting that the measures provided for by the rules be taken, including the issuance of a ruling on non-implementation or non-enforcement, as well as any other actions the Court may deem necessary.

AVONET considers this issue particularly important for the functioning of elected institutions and for ensuring respect for the constitutional order.

The organizations clarify that the purpose of the request is to create legal and institutional clarity regarding the process of constituting the Assembly and the implementation of decisions by the Constitutional Court.

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Përparim Gruda, a lawmaker from the Democratic Party of Kosovo, said that the PDK is considering referring the issue of the constitutional deadline for the constitution of the Assembly to the Constitutional Court.

According to him, exceeding this deadline constitutes a violation of Kosovo’s Constitution. Gruda stressed that the deadline for constituting the Assembly expired on Friday.

“Today, Kosovo’s Constitution is being torn down, but no longer by Milošević—by people elected by the people of Kosovo. This is unbelievable and unacceptable,” Gruda said.

Before the session began, PDK leader Bedri Hamza was seen entering the Assembly building.

In a brief statement to the media, Hamza said that the parliamentary group would meet, adding that he had nothing else to say.

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The leader of the Democratic Party of Kosovo, Bedri Hamza, has described as unconstitutional and unlawful the manner in which, according to him, Vetëvendosje leader Albin Kurti is taking control of the institutions.

Emphasizing that the Republic of Kosovo does not belong to any political party, Hamza said Kurti was showing no seriousness about forming the country’s institutions.

He made these statements after midnight at the Kosovo Assembly. PDK representatives found the institution’s doors locked and, as a result, were unable to enter for the constitutive session.

Hamza said their presence outside the Assembly building until that hour demonstrated their readiness to participate in the constitutive session, while calling it unacceptable that the administration had kept the doors locked.

According to him, the Constitutional Court’s ruling, which clearly stipulates that the Assembly must be constituted within 30 days of the certification of the election results, is being disregarded. Hamza said this constituted a violation of the Constitution, a failure to respect the country’s highest legal act, and an infringement of democracy.

He accused the party with the largest number of seats of taking control of the institutions in an unconstitutional and unlawful manner. Hamza stressed that Kosovo is not the property of VV, PDK, LDK, or the Alliance, adding that the state is governed on the basis of rules, laws, and respect for the Constitution.

The PDK leader warned that all necessary legal steps would be taken to defend the Constitution. He reiterated that PDK had defined its role as an opposition party and said Kurti was showing no seriousness whatsoever about forming the country’s institutions.

According to Hamza, invitations are issued only to create a situation in which responsibility can be assigned if the country goes to elections. He said that if elections are held, responsibility will lie with Kurti and the Vetëvendosje Movement.

Hamza said PDK would consider referring the matter to the Constitutional Court because, according to him, it involved a serious violation of the country’s highest legal act. He also said his party would not take part in Kurti’s games, accusing him of making a mockery of the country.

Referring to the past, Hamza said the establishment of Kosovo’s institutions had been obstructed through violence, while the country was now entering uncharted territory. He announced that the matter would be addressed the following day, before the session was convened, and insisted that PDK was not obstructing the institutions.

He said PDK’s demand was for the country’s highest legal act and its laws to be respected in order to avoid anarchy. Hamza warned that all democratic means would be used and stressed that every option remained open, including referring the case to the Constitutional Court, although the existing ruling was very clear.

According to him, both the Vetëvendosje Movement and Avni Dehari, in his capacity as chair of the session, had committed a blatant abuse. Hamza said Dehari was not acting seriously and was making a mockery of the country, adding that PDK, which had run on its programs and priorities, would not become part of these games.

The PDK leader said the violation had been committed by the person who convened the session, noting that the Assembly has its own legal office. He called on those responsible to think carefully about the reasons for this action and described the situation as an attempt by Kurti to delay the constitution of the Assembly.

Hamza said the case would be analyzed, while recalling that PDK had won a large number of cases before the Constitutional Court. He clarified that he was not speaking on behalf of any opposition bloc, but solely on behalf of PDK as a party.

At the same time, he expressed readiness to cooperate with other political parties, including LDK and the Alliance, on important issues. Hamza concluded that all permitted democratic means would be used and that organizing protests was not ruled out.

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The Serbian List has petitioned the Constitutional Court to challenge Supreme Court ruling AA.nr.29/2026. The appeal was filed three days before the constitutional deadline for constituting the Assembly and two days before the Kosovo Assembly’s constitutive session is due to resume on August 6.

At the heart of the dispute is Nenad Rashiq’s seat in the Kosovo Assembly. The Serbian List argues that the mechanism of seats reserved for the Serb community has not received functional protection and claims that representatives of this community should be determined solely by the votes of Serb citizens.

According to its announcement, the initiative before the Constitutional Court is not intended to protect a political entity or a particular parliamentary seat. The Serbian List says it is seeking to protect the constitutional right of the Serb people, as well as other non-majority communities, to authentic political representation, which it describes as one of the fundamental principles of their constitutional status in Kosovo.

The party believes that the Central Election Commission, the Election Complaints and Appeals Panel and the Supreme Court failed to address the main constitutional question. According to the Serbian List, it must be clarified whether the purpose of the reserved seats is upheld when votes cast by citizens who do not belong to the Serb community influence the election of Serb representatives.

Following the June elections, the Serbian List initially took the case to the ECAP and then to the Supreme Court. It claimed that Nenad Rashiq’s party, ZSPO, had received a significant number of votes in municipalities where, based on the 2024 population census, the Serb community is almost nonexistent. The appeals were rejected by both bodies.

The CEC found that the claims presented provided no legal basis for questioning the validity of the votes or the election result. The ECAP also dismissed the appeal as unfounded, explaining that voting is based on equality and secrecy. It was also emphasized that the voter list does not contain data on ethnicity, precisely to avoid violating these principles.

Of the 10 seats reserved for the Serb community in the June elections, the Serbian List secured 9, while the tenth went to Nenad Rashiq.

If the constitution of the Assembly is not completed by August 7, the constitutional procedure will move to the stage of electing the country’s president. The Constitution sets a 60-day deadline for the election of the president. Failure to do so within that deadline would send Kosovo back to new elections.

Commentator Gani Mehmeti responded to the appeal in remarks to “Bota sot.” He accused the Serbian List of misusing the guarantee of reserved seats for Serbs and other minorities in Kosovo, while saying that the party does not act in the interests of the country’s Serb community.

Mehmeti called on the Serbian List to say how it would respond if Albanian voters cast ballots for it and whether, in such a case, it would accept the votes or file a complaint. According to him, the seats guaranteed to Serbs and other minorities were not created to fight the Republic of Kosovo, but the Serbian List is abusing this opportunity.

He claims that instead of working for the benefit of Kosovo’s Serb minority, the party goes to Belgrade and, together with Vuçiq, fights the Republic of Kosovo by every means available. Mehmeti says that although Vuçiq does not recognize Kosovo, the Serbian List must recognize it and act in accordance with its Constitution and laws.

In his assessment, only by supporting Kosovo’s independence would the party earn the right to guaranteed seats and participation in the Kosovo government, as required by law and the Constitution. Mehmeti adds that not only the Serbian List, but also Albanians who fail to act properly and in accordance with the law, should be excluded.

Speaking about the voting process, the commentator recalled that the ballot is free and secret, meaning every citizen may cast it for whomever they deem appropriate. He congratulated those who may have voted in this way and asked the Serbian List why it did not complain when, according to him, it received more rights than it was entitled to.

Mehmeti says the Serbian List is objecting to the fact that Albanians may have voted for a Serb party that supports Kosovo’s independence, recognizes the state and complies with its laws and Constitution. He also called on the Serbian List to follow the same path, after which discussions with it could proceed differently.

The commentator also asked why the party had not requested only as many seats in the Kosovo Assembly as it was entitled to and could secure through its voters, but instead accepted ten seats. According to him, that number is high when only around 50,000-60,000 Serbs live in Kosovo. He summed up his position by saying that one cannot refuse to recognize Kosovo while simultaneously seeking to be part of it.

Mehmeti emphasized that no provision determines which candidate a citizen may or may not vote for. Because the ballot is free and secret, voters decide for themselves whether to vote and for whom. He did not rule out the possibility that, after the Serbian List brought this issue to the fore, even more Albanians could vote for Serb candidates in future elections, adding that the debate had reminded them of and shown them this possibility.

He predicted that as long as it remains under Vuçiq’s direction, the Serbian List will not manage to secure more than 3 seats in the next elections.

Referring to the Serbian List’s claim that electoral and judicial institutions had failed to constitutionally protect the system of seats reserved for non-majority communities, Mehmeti said these institutions had not undertaken to guarantee it such protection, particularly when it opposes the Republic of Kosovo.

He went further, declaring that since the attack in Banjska, the judicial institutions should have condemned the Serbian List as a terrorist party. Regarding the request for the Constitutional Court to clarify whether reserved seats continue to serve their purpose when voters from other communities influence the election of Serb representatives, Mehmeti said the Constitutional Court should revoke the Serbian List’s right to operate as a party. According to him, only political entities that respect the laws, the Constitution and the Republic of Kosovo should have the right to participate in elections.

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The Serbian List has petitioned the Constitutional Court to challenge Supreme Court judgment AA.no.29/2026. The appeal was filed just three days before the constitutional deadline for constituting the Assembly and two days before the continuation of the constitutive session, scheduled for August 6.

At the center of the dispute is Nenad Rashiq’s mandate in the Kosovo Assembly. According to the Serbian List, the mechanism of seats reserved for the Serb community has not been functionally protected, while the representatives of this community should be determined solely through the votes of its members.

The Serbian political party has stated that the purpose of the appeal is not to protect one party or a single mandate in the Assembly. The Serbian List claims that the petition aims to guarantee the constitutional right of the Serb people and other non-majority communities to authentic political representation, which it describes as one of the fundamental principles of their constitutional status in Kosovo.

The Serbian List believes that the Central Election Commission, the Election Complaints and Appeals Panel, and the Supreme Court failed to address the constitutional substance of the matter. According to the party, it must be clarified whether the purpose of the seats reserved for the Serb community is preserved when voters who do not belong to that community influence the election of its representatives.

Following the June elections, the Serbian List initially took the case to the ECAP and subsequently to the Supreme Court. It claimed that Nenad Rashiq’s party, ZSPO, had received a considerable number of votes in municipalities where, based on the 2024 population census, the Serb community is virtually nonexistent. The appeals were rejected by both bodies.

The CEC found that the claims presented did not provide legal grounds to call into question the validity of the votes or the election result. The ECAP also deemed the appeal unfounded, emphasizing that voting is based on equality and secrecy. To avoid undermining these principles, the voter list does not include information about ethnic affiliation.

Of the ten seats reserved for the Serb community in the June elections, nine were won by the Serbian List, while the tenth mandate went to Nenad Rashiq.

If the Assembly is not constituted by August 7, the constitutional process will enter the stage of electing the country’s president. The Constitution sets a 60-day deadline for the election of the head of state. Failure to elect the president within this period would send Kosovo to new elections once again.

Commentator Gani Mehmeti has reacted to the Serbian List’s move. In a statement to “Bota sot,” he said that the party is abusing the guarantee of seats reserved for Serbs and other minorities in Kosovo and is not acting in the interests of the Serb community.

Mehmeti asked the Serbian List whether it would have challenged the votes if Albanians had cast them for the party, or whether it would have accepted them without complaint.

According to him, the seats guaranteed to Serbs and other communities were not created to be used to fight the Republic of Kosovo. He accused the Serbian List of acting under Belgrade’s influence instead of looking after the welfare of Kosovo Serbs and, together with Vuçiq, using every means available against the state of Kosovo.

The commentator stated that, regardless of Vuçiq’s position toward Kosovo, the Serbian List must recognize Kosovo’s reality and act in accordance with the country’s Constitution and laws. According to Mehmeti, only support for Kosovo’s independence would give the party the moral right to demand guaranteed seats and participation in the Government of Kosovo, as provided for by law and the Constitution. He added that not only Serbian List representatives, but also Albanians who do not act properly and in accordance with the law, should be excluded.

Speaking about the appeal, Mehmeti recalled that the vote is free and secret, meaning that every citizen may cast it for the political party they consider appropriate. He viewed positively the possibility that some Albanians may have voted for a Serbian party that supports Kosovo’s independence and respects its Constitution and laws.

Mehmeti asked why the Serbian List had not previously complained about rights which, according to him, exceed what it is entitled to. He mentioned the ten reserved seats, saying that this is a large number in relation to the approximately 50,000-60,000 Serbs living in Kosovo. According to him, one cannot seek cooperation with a state while simultaneously refusing to recognize it.

The commentator emphasized that nowhere is it stipulated which candidate or party a citizen has the right to vote for, nor whom they must not support. For this reason, each voter decides whether to vote and whom to vote for.

He added that, after the Serbian List raised this issue, even more Albanians may vote for Serbian representatives in the next elections. Mehmeti remarked ironically that the issue had reminded voters—and taught them—that they could also act in this way.

He predicted that, as long as the Serbian List remains under Vuçiq’s direction, it will fail to win more than three seats in the next elections.

Mehmeti rejected the Serbian List’s claim that the election and judicial institutions had failed to constitutionally protect the system of seats reserved for non-majority communities. He said that these institutions had not assumed responsibility for guaranteeing this party’s position, particularly when it acts against the Republic of Kosovo.

Referring to the attack in Banjska, the commentator stated that the judicial institutions should have condemned the Serbian List as a terrorist party following that event.

In conclusion, Mehmeti also commented on the request for the Constitutional Court to determine whether the purpose of the reserved mandates is respected when voters from outside the Serb community influence the election of its representatives. According to him, the Constitutional Court should prohibit the Serbian List from operating as a political party, while only parties that respect the laws, the Constitution, and the Republic of Kosovo should be allowed to participate in elections.

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Serb List has asked Kosovo’s Constitutional Court to challenge the Supreme Court’s decision concerning the allocation of a seat reserved for the Serb community, which was won by Nenad Rašić.

In its petition, the party asks the Constitutional Court to determine whether the purpose of reserved seats is respected in cases where votes from citizens who are not members of the community influence the selection of Serb representatives.

According to Serb List, the judicial and electoral institutions have failed to ensure constitutional protection for the seats guaranteed to non-majority communities.

The party maintains that reserved seats are not merely formal privileges, but constitutional guarantees intended to ensure the authentic representation of communities.

On July 7, the Supreme Court rejected Serb List’s appeal, which alleged that Nenad Rašić’s political party had won the guaranteed seat primarily through votes secured in Albanian-majority municipalities.

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The Union of Judges, the National Association of Judges, and the Association of Prosecutors of the Republic of Albania have reacted after the deadline set by the Constitutional Court for amending the law regulating the status of magistrates expired.

The associations state that Parliament did not approve the necessary changes to judges’ and prosecutors’ salaries.

By decision no. 15, dated 17.02.2026, the Constitutional Court accepted the request to annul articles 1 and 2, point 2, of law no. 33/2023, dated 25.05.2023 “On an amendment to law no. 96/2016 ‘On the status of judges and prosecutors in the Republic of Albania’, as amended”. The request was filed by the Union of Judges and later joined by the National Association of Judges.

According to the associations, the Court found that the changes approved by Parliament had violated the financial status of magistrates, as they had resulted in a hidden salary reduction. The same decision also defined the constitutional criteria on which the new salary formula should be drafted, while Parliament was given until 31 July 2026 to adopt the relevant legal amendments.

“With the expiration of the deadline provided, we note that Parliament has not acted to approve the legal changes,” the joint reaction from the magistrates’ organizations states.

The associations emphasize that Parliament’s inaction has not created a legal vacuum, as the Constitutional Court had already predetermined the method of implementation in this situation. For this reason, starting from 1 August 2026, magistrates’ salaries must be calculated according to the formula referring to the salary of the senior public administration official, in line with Constitutional Court decision no. 35/2022.

The same formula must also be applied retroactively for the period from 1 April 2023 to 31 July 2026. The associations have stated they will closely monitor the implementation of decision no. 15, dated 17.02.2026, and have called on the responsible institutions and officials to respect the obligations arising from article 132, point 1, of the Constitution of the Republic of Albania.

The Union of Judges, the National Association of Judges, and the Association of Prosecutors of the Republic of Albania express that they will remain united in this stance and will monitor every step taken to implement the decision. They have also reiterated their readiness to cooperate constructively with the responsible institutions, with the aim of guaranteeing constitutional standards and the status of the magistrate.

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Sources from the Parliament confirmed to “TV21” that the resignation document has been received and archived, but it has not yet physically reached the Speaker of Parliament, Afrim Gashi.

Naumovski’s appointment as constitutional judge dates back to February of this year, following a proposal from the legislature.

He is a lecturer at the “Justinianus Primus” Faculty of Law, where he teaches in the Department of Roman Law. Before joining the Constitutional Court, Naumovski served as an advisor to the head of the government and is the brother of Vasko Naumovski, former Deputy Prime Minister responsible for European Affairs.

The proposal for his position on the court came from the ranks of the ruling majority.

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