In a reaction on social media, the European Democrats (PDE/EDP) commented on the clashes that took place the previous day between police and protesters outside Parliament, as lawmakers returned to session after a month-long recess.

They said the images emerging from Albania were disturbing and that the police response to the protesters was harsh.

According to the European Democrats, people without uniforms intervened, raising questions about whether they were police officers or other individuals.

“Yesterday, as the protests in Tirana entered their 101st consecutive day, the images reaching us became deeply disturbing. Detentions increased, the police response appeared disproportionately harsh, and people without visible uniforms were seen intervening, raising serious questions about whether they were police officers or individuals acting outside any clear chain of accountability.

This comes after social media accounts linked to the protests were blocked and restricted last week, a further concern for freedom of expression and access to information,” they stressed.

They then pointed the finger at Prime Minister Edi Rama, saying that under his leadership, the country is facing a serious test of its democratic standards at a time when it is also seeking membership in the EU.

“Under Edi Rama’s leadership, Albania is facing a serious test of its democratic standards. A country seeking to join the European Union must strengthen the rule of law, protect fundamental freedoms, and guarantee the right to disagree, protest and speak freely,” the European Democrats stressed, they added.

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Clashes within the Democratic League of Kosovo have resurfaced, this time with a former party MP joining the public debate.

Following MP Janina Ymeri’s criticism of LDK leader Lumir Abdixhiku, former MP Hatim Baxhaku publicly responded.

Ymeri had published a lengthy response challenging Abdixhiku’s statements about the MPs who did not support the presidential candidacy. According to her, her positions had been misinterpreted and misrepresented.

The MP explained that her refusal to support the candidacy was linked to her previous political stance toward Vetëvendosje, as well as the candidate’s profile.

In his response, Baxhaku addressed Ymeri directly, saying that he had voted for her on both occasions and that he valued independent thought and differing views during party discussions. However, he accused her of going too far with her arrogance and daily public opposition to LDK structures.

Baxhaku argued that the way disagreements were being expressed was not consistent with the exercise of independent thought and that decisions made by party structures must be respected.

He added that Ymeri’s positions exceeded the bounds of internal party democracy, describing her arrogance as unforgivable.

The former MP’s response comes after the clashes within LDK became public. Six party MPs, including Janina Ymeri, voted against Bekim Sejdiu’s candidacy for president, disregarding the position of the LDK leadership.

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The agreement reached between the Vetëvendosje Movement and the Democratic League of Kosovo on the new head of state has been thrown into doubt after six LDK lawmakers publicly refused to support Bekim Sejdiu’s candidacy. Hykmete Bajrami, Avdullah Hoti, Arben Gashi, Armend Zemaj, Kujtim Shala and Janina Ymeri have voiced their opposition, dealing a major blow to the party’s internal cohesion.

This stance has aggravated existing divisions within the LDK and significantly complicated efforts to secure the numbers needed to elect the president. While LVV holds 53 seats and the LDK 18, Lumir Abdixhiku has said that only 12 lawmakers from his party support Sejdiu. To ensure the process can proceed, the Constitution requires at least 80 lawmakers to be present at the session.

LVV leader Albin Kurti has insisted that the agreement with the LDK remains in force despite this open opposition. He acknowledged that the new circumstances require another round of talks and more careful coordination, as the initial formula no longer secures the 80 votes needed to move the process of electing the head of state forward.

Without a new compromise, there is a real risk that the presidential process will stall and the country will return to a period of institutional instability. For this very reason, the coming hours and days are considered crucial in determining whether the coalition partners can find common ground to salvage the agreement or whether Kosovo will plunge into a new political crisis.

Political analyst Agim Rexhepi, speaking to “Bota sot,” described the conflict between the six lawmakers and the LDK leadership as a serious test of Lumir Abdixhiku’s authority and the party’s stability. He stressed that this is no longer a simple difference of opinion, but a fundamental issue concerning respect for decisions made by the party’s governing bodies.

Rexhepi argues that the challenge facing Abdixhiku goes beyond Bekim Sejdiu’s name. He is facing a decisive test of his leadership. If the Presidency has made a unanimous decision and part of the parliamentary group publicly ignores it, the chairman faces two difficult alternatives: defend the authority of the party’s structures or allow the group of lawmakers to behave as an entity independent of the LDK’s political line. Each path carries its own cost.

According to the analyst, if Abdixhiku opts for tough disciplinary measures, he risks escalating the confrontation and triggering a direct conflict with influential figures within the party. On the other hand, inaction would set a dangerous precedent under which decisions by the Presidency could be challenged without consequences. His warning that “there will be disciplinary action within the LDK” should not be read as empty rhetoric, but as a sign that the clash could take on an institutional dimension. Abdixhiku has even suggested that a lawmaker who refuses to comply with the party’s decision should at least consider relinquishing their mandate.

Regarding the fate of the six lawmakers, Rexhepi does not necessarily foresee their expulsion, as this depends on the party’s internal regulations. However, he lists several possible political consequences: disciplinary measures such as reprimands or warnings, loss of positions in party bodies, political isolation within the parliamentary group and, in the most extreme scenario, removal from party structures. According to him, the biggest issue remains the LDK’s ability to function as a united parliamentary group if this division remains unresolved. The six lawmakers, he stresses, are not an insignificant minority but represent a significant segment.

Rexhepi believes that this situation does not simply revolve around the presidential candidacy. It reflects deeper differences over the LDK’s political direction. One side sees the agreement as an opportunity to overcome the institutional deadlock, while the other interprets the vote as an issue inextricably linked to its stance toward Albin Kurti’s government. Lawmaker Janina Ymeri, for example, justified her opposition as a rejection of what she calls an “extension of Kurti’s rule.” According to the analyst, this shows that the conflict runs far deeper than the selection of one person.

Concluding his analysis, Rexhepi raises the fundamental question: who actually determines the LDK’s political line—the elected Presidency or individual lawmakers? He warns that unless the division is managed responsibly and through dialogue, it has the potential to develop into a full-fledged split, threatening not only a parliamentary battle but also the organizational integrity of one of Kosovo’s historic parties.

Meanwhile, analyst Alma Lama offered an equally critical perspective to “Bota sot.” She described the LDK as a party gripped by a deep leadership crisis that has, in a sense, been held hostage. According to her, for six years the party has been playing Albin Kurti’s political game, beginning with the election of President Vjosa Osmani, by adopting positions that favor its historic opponent.

Lama points out that the opposition of the six lawmakers is not linked solely to the proposed name. She criticizes Abdixhiku’s approach to the negotiations, stressing that he failed to secure Kurti’s acceptance of a consensus LDK candidate who would unite the party. Another major mistake, according to her, was that he entered talks over a specific name without first consulting the parliamentary group and is now trying to impose it on them. This, she adds, makes the handling of the presidential candidate appear unserious, as the candidacy was announced publicly without first securing the votes. Lama concludes that all of this looks like political amateurism and is pushing the LDK toward a deepening crisis.

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An incident took place yesterday in the village of Vuno, where journalist and publicist Arjan Konomi clashed with the bodyguards and police officers accompanying Prime Minister Edi Rama.

Konomi is a resident of Vuno and frequently complains on social media about the conduct of the state police, which fines citizens for parking their vehicles.

The video was published by Democratic Party leader Sali Berisha, who said he strongly condemned the arrogance and retaliatory violence against the well-known journalist and publicist Arjan Konomi by Edi and Linda Rama.

In the video, Arjan Konomi himself recounted how the entire incident unfolded, resulting in him being taken to the police station for several hours.

According to him, the clash with Rama, his wife and their bodyguards was sparked by a dispute over parking.

Konomi said he began filming with his phone and asked police officers why the prime minister’s convoy vehicle was not also being fined.

According to his account, Prime Minister Rama then called him over and asked him to sit down, while Konomi said he explained his concerns about parking and the fines imposed on the residents of Vuno.

“I have just been released from the Himara police station’s cell, following a clash and confrontation with Prime Minister Rama here in the village of Vuno. All of Vuno woke up today to fines for their cars. This also caused a certain amount of friction with the state police and the residents of Vuno. Later, after 12:00, I went out to pick figs and, when I returned, I saw the prime minister’s family and his convoy. The entire convoy was parked in an area where parking was prohibited, and the police were standing there. I started recording a video and said to the police: Why don’t you fine the prime minister as well, just as you fined Vuno a few hours earlier? At that moment, the prime minister called me and I approached. He said to me, ‘Sit down.’ I told him: ‘What are we going to do about parking? Why don’t you create a parking area? Why should people be fined for parking? This is my concern.’ I did not use offensive language, while he invited me to sit down, but there was no time, because Mrs Linda Rama, with arrogance and hysteria, told me to leave him alone,” he said.

Konomi claimed that he then had a verbal confrontation with Linda Rama. He described her reaction as harsh and said that, after he offered her some figs, she responded with an insulting expression.

Konomi further claimed that several security personnel intervened, took his phone and escorted him in a police vehicle to the Himara Police Commissariat.

“This mussel and fish scientist, like a viper, lunged at my throat, to the point that even her son was shaken by the reaction she had.

I was left stunned and told her: ‘I’ll give you some figs.’ But she replied: ‘Do you know where you can put those figs?’

At one point I thought, thank goodness I had picked figs, which are soft; imagine if I had picked pears. As I was thinking that, about four bodyguards jumped on me, grabbed my phone and lifted me off the ground. Meanwhile, Linda was shouting on the other side, in the middle of the village. They deleted the videos from my phone and took me in a police van, with the ‘Eagles’, to the Himara Police Commissariat,” Konomi said.

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The continuation of the constitutive session of the Assembly of Kosovo has deepened tensions among MPs, even leading to physical confrontations. Meanwhile, political parties remain divided over how the institutional deadlock should be overcome.

The debate over the opposition’s responsibility and its impact on the current political crisis has also been fueled by actions carried out by PDK MPs, first outside the government building and later inside the Assembly.

Commenting on the developments for “Bota sot,” publicist Lis Bukuroca strongly criticized the opposition, describing its approach as “theatrical.”

In his assessment, part of the opposition seeks to convince the public that it is defending the rule of law, but through its concrete actions, he says, it is making it more difficult for the institutions to function.

“The opposition is playing a theatrical role, with the aim of convincing the people that it is on the right side. In reality, the situation created in Kosovo is linked to three main groups.

“The first group includes those committed to the rule of law. Among them are also individuals from the opposition, but the problematic issue is the opposition leaders. They hope to convince the people that they represent the right side, even though their actions prevent the rule of law from functioning,” Bukuroca said.

The publicist links part of this situation to political leaders who, according to him, have built a system in which personal and party interests take precedence over the proper functioning of institutions.

“The second category includes the leaders of political parties who have attained leadership positions without merit. They are compelled and obligated to oppose the rule of law in order to protect the people who delegated them to the opposition.

“The core of the problem is clear: we are witnessing a confrontation between the rule of law and a system that, for a long period, from the courts and the prosecution to the government, has worked in the service of political leaders and to protect their interests.

“There are many cases that can substantiate these claims,” he said.

In his analysis, Bukuroca also addresses influences that may come from abroad. He mentions a category of people who, he suspects, may have financial ties to Serbia, but acknowledges that there is insufficient evidence to determine specifically which individuals or media outlets are involved.

“The third group includes people who are financed by Serbia. Unfortunately, neither in politics nor in the media do we have sufficient information or evidence to identify the individuals or media outlets receiving payments directly from Serbia.

“There are many suspicions, but few facts. These suspicions stem from their activities, which often reveal an anti-state approach directed against Kosovo. They defend the interests of those who may be financing them.

“The UDB agents were not wiped out by Covid!” Bukuroca said.

In the publicist’s view, Kosovo’s current political crisis is best explained through these three categories.

“Thus, there are three groups in Kosovo: those who work for the rule of law, a segment of the opposition that presents itself as defending the rule of law while obstructing it, and another category that acts in the service of foreign interests,” he said.

Analyzing the opposition’s actions and the consequences they may have for the institutions, Bukuroca opposes moves that, according to him, are aimed at sabotaging them and increasing political pressure.

“It cannot be considered normal for the government to become the target of sabotage, denigration and blackmail through political processes, including the election of the head of state. This paradox has been further deepened by the Constitutional Court’s interpretations. It has often been criticized for a lack of impartiality and for rulings that have determined how the Assembly operates, although it is not always clear where these interpretations find their direct constitutional basis,” Bukuroca said.

Regarding discussions over the number of MPs who must be present in the Assembly, he disputes the claim that the Constitution necessarily requires the participation of 80 lawmakers.

“The Constitution does not stipulate in any provision that 80 MPs must be present in the Assembly. This is an invention of the Court!” the publicist said.

As for the government led by Vetëvendosje, Bukuroca believes the current administration is also facing a deep crisis. According to him, one of the main obstacles is the difficulty of securing reliable partners.

“The state, therefore, is being sabotaged on several fronts. The current Vetëvendosje government is in a major crisis, partly because it is finding it difficult to secure reliable partners. Many political actors present themselves as working for the good of the state, but in reality they serve other interests.

“In conclusion, Kosovo’s problem is not limited solely to the clash between the government and the opposition. The real dividing line is between those who genuinely defend the state and its institutions and those who exploit them for political, personal or foreign interests,” Lis Bukuroca concluded for “Bota sot.”

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Lumir Abdixhiku, who has led the Democratic League of Kosovo since March 2021, today faces one of the biggest challenges to his position at the helm of the party.

At today’s assembly, the LDK will decide not only Abdixhiku’s future, but also the political course the party will pursue going forward. The request for his dismissal and the convening of the assembly has been backed by the signatures of 148 delegates.

However, the final say does not rest solely with those behind the initiative, as a total of 355 delegates will decide the matter.

Disgruntled LDK members have justified their demand for Abdixhiku’s removal by citing the election results, as well as the need to change the party’s direction.

Political analysts believe the situation reflects opposition to Abdixhiku mainly from the party’s branches. According to them, the LDK lacks a consensus figure who could take over its leadership.

Because of the internal clashes, analysts have raised doubts about whether the LDK will be able to contribute to the formation of new institutions together with the Vetëvendosje Movement.

Abdixhiku’s path to the party leadership was opened by Isa Mustafa’s resignation, which followed the defeat in the 2021 parliamentary elections. This development launched a new process within the country’s oldest political party, and Abdixhiku secured the confidence of the LDK’s structures at the time.

Dissatisfaction with his leadership grew following the results of the 2025 parliamentary elections.

As a result, in January of this year, Abdixhiku faced a confidence vote within the LDK but managed to retain his position as party leader.

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Voting has begun at the Assembly of the Democratic League of Kosovo to decide whether party leader Lumir Abdixhiku will be dismissed.

The media were not allowed to remain in the hall after Abdixhiku finished his speech. Meanwhile, KP has learned from its sources that MP and assembly member Armend Zemaj delivered a speech in which he listed Abdixhiku’s failures during his leadership of the LDK.

An LDK delegate from Gjilan also intervened in the discussion, accusing those who are “dissatisfied” within the party of seeking to tear down their own house.

The speech was subsequently cut short after a decision was made to end the debate and proceed directly to the vote. The process is currently underway, with the 327 delegates being called by name one by one to cast their ballots in secret.

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It is reported that Pacolli’s employees clashed with security guards from Valon Ademi’s company “2A”, then forcibly entered the construction site and removed the other workers.

In a statement on June 21, Behgjet Pacolli declared that “MABCO” owns 98% of VIA’s capital shares and is the main entity bearing all obligations, responsibilities and exposures related to the concession, in professional, technical, referential and financial terms. “MABCO” bears the main financial exposure in this project, in an amount exceeding 310 million euros.

Pacolli also warned that any action or inaction that obstructs the implementation of the Assembly’s decisions dated 18.06.2026 would be considered a serious violation of legal obligations and would bring full legal, civil and criminal consequences for all responsible persons.

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