Blerim Vela, former Chief of Staff to Kosovo’s former president, Vjosa Osmani, has rejected former Prime Minister Avdullah Hoti’s statements about Professor Bekim Sejdiu’s engagement with the Office of the President.

In a post on X, Vela said the claim that Sejdiu had served as the President’s political adviser was unfounded.

He explained that, during the 2021–2023 period, when he headed the Cabinet of the President of the Republic of Kosovo, he was directly involved in the process of engaging Professor Sejdiu with the Office of the President.

According to Vela, Sejdiu was brought on as an external expert במסגרת the Norwegian Government’s program to support the institution of the Presidency. The program was implemented by BPRG and did not entail either an appointment to a political position as the President’s adviser or the establishment of an employment relationship with the Presidency.

Vela compared this engagement with other international assistance models through which Veton Surroi, Blerim Shala and other experts had also been involved in the dialogue, with Norwegian support through BPRG. He added that during his time at the Presidency, three other external experts were engaged through the same mechanism, and none of them was an appointed political adviser.

The former chief of staff said Sejdiu’s contribution was linked solely to his expertise on matters of national importance. According to him, the professor had worked on the modalities of relations with the Vatican, communication with the United States and issues related to relations with Turkey, including the matter of drones. Vela stressed that his engagement had also been made at the suggestion of international partners.

Vela called on Hoti to make public the document allegedly proving Sejdiu’s appointment as a political adviser, declaring that no such decision exists. He added that this was also supported by Sejdiu’s asset declaration, since Sejdiu was not subject to that obligation precisely because he had not held the position of political adviser.

“Public debate should be based on facts and documents, not claims,” Vela wrote.

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Olivier Guérot, France’s outgoing ambassador to Kosovo, recounted his four-year experience in the country during an exclusive interview on the “Info Magazine” program.

He said he would remember Kosovo as an energetic, welcoming and vibrant country that continues to make progress.

“After four years, I have formed many impressions, but I will remember Kosovo as a lively country, with warm and welcoming people, exceptionally dynamic and in continuous development,” Guérot said.

Speaking about the most difficult periods of his tenure, the French diplomat said the main challenge was the September 24, 2023 attack in Banjska.

“The attack in Banjska was the most challenging moment. The developments that preceded and followed it during 2022, 2023 and 2024 were also serious,” he said.

Guérot also recalled attending the funeral ceremony of Hero Afrim Bunjaku, the police officer who was killed in Banjska.

Despite these events, the ambassador emphasized that his term in Kosovo had also included joyful moments.

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Over 95% of Albania’s municipalities have been affected by natural disasters in the last two decades, while fires have destroyed more than about 35% of the national forest area.

Although the number of fire protection personnel increased by 86% over the decade, the ratio of functional vehicles has fallen to 0.87 per 10,000 inhabitants.

Faced with 160 hotspots recorded in just the first weeks of the summer season and the lack of an autonomous fleet of aircraft, local structures remain powerless to guarantee effective intervention in deep mountain areas.

A pronounced tangle of competences between local and central government leaves rural communities and human lives unprotected, putting the country in front of a painful mirror of institutional failure before every fire season. Experts’ suggestions.

The tragedy in the village of Domen in Postribë, where a dwelling was engulfed by flames with a 24-year-old mother and her two children inside, made clear the difficulties that emergency structures face in intervening in deep mountain areas.

The house was about 30 minutes on foot from the road where vehicles could arrive, which made timely intervention by firefighters almost impossible.

When rescue teams arrived in the area, the old house was burnt to ashes along with the mother and two children. The difficult terrain, distance from the motor road, and late notification significantly reduced the chance of a quick rescue operation.

The Postribë incident highlights the gaps in a system that, although it has increased personnel, lacks suitable vehicles for forests and mountain areas, still does not have a consolidated air fleet, and has not established a complete early warning mechanism.

Albania entered this year’s fire season again with more firefighters, but without the technical and organizational capacities required by the increasingly rapid spread of flames under climate change conditions.

In many areas, vehicles can only approach up to the nearest road, while the rest of the intervention is carried out on foot and with limited equipment.

The balance of 2025 showed the scale of the problem. About 16.2 thousand hectares of forests and pastures burned, the largest affected area since 2017, while the direct damage was estimated at around 7.2 billion lekë, or 75 million euros.

The calculation mostly includes the loss of timber material, but not the entire economic, environmental, and social bill of the fires and the costs of reforestation.

According to the former head of Civil Emergencies, Shemsi Prençi, the weakness lies not only in the lack of vehicles, but that the country still does not have a complete operational plan that takes into account the extension of dry periods, higher temperatures, and the increased exposure of forests, homes, and rural communities to fires.

Even fire service leaders at the local level admit that capacities remain far from the needs.

“There is improvement, but we are still far away. One of the most worrying problems is the depreciation of vehicles and the need to purchase new vehicles, especially for interventions in forests and mountain areas,” he stated.

A few days before the tragedy, the Minister of Interior, Besfort Lamallari, presented the plan for facing the fire season. According to him, three firefighting aircraft owned by the Albanian state are expected to be added to the four helicopters of the current fleet.

The government has also announced the financing of 130 new vehicles and the construction of four fire stations in Përrenjas, Mat, Patos, and Mirditë. But experts accused the government of a deep lack of seriousness, since the fire plan should have been presented at the beginning of spring, not in the middle of the fire season.

Similar promises for the purchase of aircraft and the modernization of the firefighting fleet have been made systematically at least since 2017.

Part of them have remained in the phase of plans and procedures, while existing vehicles continue to depreciate and municipalities face pronounced shortages, especially in rural and mountainous territory.

Fires are a growing risk for all of Southern Europe, but Albania is particularly exposed due to its geographical position, socio-economic conditions, and institutional weaknesses.

According to United Nations calculations, the country has one of the highest levels of disaster risk in Europe. Floods, forest fires, landslides, and other natural disasters have affected around 95% of municipalities in the last two decades.

Climate scenarios foresee longer, hotter, and drier periods, increasing the risk for forests, agriculture, tourism, public health, and the energy system.

Assessments show that, without strong preventive measures and investments in adaptation, climate-related economic damages could reach up to 7% of Gross Domestic Product by 2050.

Number of firefighters increases, vehicles decrease.

The number of fire protection employees has increased significantly over the last decade. According to the document “Municipal Performance Measurement System 2024”, personnel increased from 739 employees in 2016 to 1,371 in 2024, or by about 86%.

The official number of employees per 1,500 inhabitants reached 0.86 in 2024, from 0.38 in 2015. This level is close to the European Union average, but the comparison has limitations, as Albanian data includes all station personnel and not just professional firefighters.

The increase in personnel has not been accompanied by the same trend in vehicles. The number of functional vehicles fell from 0.89 per 10,000 inhabitants in 2023 to 0.87 in 2024.

The report links this decline to the decommissioning of old vehicles. Municipalities now have more employees on staff, but fewer possibilities to get close to the fire and fight it professionally.

Mr. Prençi sees the problem as broader than the lack of vehicles, because in many forest areas there are also no roads that would allow vehicles to approach the hotspots.

“We do not have functional roads in forests that would enable fire vehicles to approach near the hotspots. When the fire spreads in mountainous or hilly terrain, our structures often cannot intervene from the ground,” he says.

In these conditions, even a new vehicle may not be sufficient if there are no roads, small vehicles, portable pumps, and teams that can move on foot.

The fire is left to advance until it reaches more accessible areas or goes out on its own. This cannot be considered a defense strategy, adds Mr. Prençi. The problems are not limited only to forests and mountain areas.

Even though Tirana has three fire stations, it turns out to have the lowest number of firefighters and vehicles in relation to the population.

High density, traffic, high-rise buildings, shopping centers, hospitals, and institutions make intervention more difficult. In the capital, delays can be caused not by the lack of forest roads, but by traffic and the difficulty of getting close to buildings.

In small municipalities, the ratio of firefighters per inhabitant may be higher, but the territories are larger and stations may be far from forest areas. This shows that the distribution of vehicles should not be done only according to population.

Terrain, distances, forest area, urban density, and type of risk must be taken into account.

Tangle of competences has complicated the fight against fire.

Legislative changes and the frequent reorganization of institutions have brought a tangle of competences also in the administration of the fight against fire, becoming more a cause for obstruction than for efficiency.

Local fire services draft their plans according to the characteristics of the territory.

“Each fire service drafts its own plan, which is approved by the mayor and then sent to the Ministry of Interior. We draft the quarterly plan for the summer season, as well as the annual plan,” explains a local fire chief who chose to remain anonymous.

This way of organizing is necessary, since an urban municipality has different risks from a municipality with forests, pastures, and mountainous terrain.

But the problem, according to expert Prençi, is that local plans are not always linked into a single system of command and response.

According to current legislation, the National Civil Protection Agency directs and coordinates national and local operational structures in cases of large-scale fires that exceed the capacities of a single municipality.

This includes coordinating the work between the Fire Service (MZSH), the Armed Forces (FA), the State Police, the National Agency of Forests and Protected Areas.

The Ministry of Interior oversees the standards of the Fire Protection and Rescue Service (MZSH) at the national level, even though fire stations operate administratively under the municipalities.

On the other hand, each municipality is obliged to organize, finance, and operationalize the stations and firefighter corps within its administrative territory. The MZSH troops are directly subordinate to the mayor.

The director of the fire service in one of the country’s large municipalities said that there is a tangle of competences that complicates the situation more than it solves it.

For example, the National Civil Protection Agency, which in legislation plays the leading role in the firefighting operation and coordinates the work, on the ground where the fire breaks out actually does nothing, says the local fire chief.

Mr. Prençi, who previously led Civil Emergencies, says that it must be clearly defined who leads the operation, who requests air support, who coordinates forces on the ground, and who communicates with the community. There cannot be several decision-making centers at the same time, he says.

According to him, the National Civil Protection Agency should have the leading role, while municipalities, firefighters, the Armed Forces, the police, and the forest service should act according to a common plan.

The lack of a unified command makes intervention slower and increases the risk that responsibilities are passed from one institution to another.

Municipalities draft the plans, but their ability to implement them depends on the budget, vehicles, equipment, and personnel they have available.

Without firefighting aircraft, Albania remains at risk.

One of the main weaknesses of the system is the lack of a dedicated air fleet for fires. Albania does not have firefighting aircraft and in the most severe cases relies on the helicopters it has available and on help from other countries through the European Civil Protection Mechanism.

“Albania is part of the European Civil Protection Mechanism and can request help from other countries. But it is necessary for the country to have its own capacities,” says the local fire chief.

Mr. Prençi recalls that the establishment of an air fleet has been promised for more than a decade. “For about 13 years there has been talk of setting up an air fleet against fires.

There was also a project supported by the American Command for a regional firefighting base, worth about 50 million euros, that was planned to be built in Guri i Zi at the time when I was leading, but the plan failed due to Albanian bureaucracies and that investment was not realized,” he says.

According to Mr. Prençi, over the years statements have also been repeated about securing two firefighting aircraft, but the fleet has not been established. He assesses that Albania needs a mixed fleet, with aircraft and helicopters, to adapt to the mountainous terrain and the Alpine areas.

The country needs at least two ‘Canadair’ type aircraft and four helicopters that can be supplied with water from rivers and reservoirs, says the expert.

The lack of air capacities becomes more serious when fires spread simultaneously in several Mediterranean countries. In these cases, international aid can be delayed, since aircraft and helicopters are requested by several states at the same time.

Albania has plenty of water sources, but the operational map is missing.

Expert Prençi says that Albania has plenty of water sources that can be used to supply helicopters, but they have not been included in a detailed operational system.

According to him, there are 640 reservoirs across the country, some of which are no longer used for irrigation. Also, we have many rivers, lakes with close distances to the hills and mountains.

“These reservoirs can be identified and used as supply points for helicopters. Rivers can also be utilized, but a detailed plan is needed for this,” he says.

The National Civil Protection Agency, according to Mr. Prençi, should draft a map where coordinates, depth, accessibility, and water supply conditions are defined for each point. This information should be made available in advance to pilots and helicopter units.

“The plan cannot be improvised at the moment the fire breaks out,” says Mr. Prençi. In the absence of such a map, even air vehicles that may be temporarily secured lose time identifying the points where they can be supplied with water.

Maintenance for equipment and early warning is missing.

The problem is not only the lack of investments, but also the management of equipment that was secured earlier. Mr. Prençi recalls that in 2017, the TAP company donated seven firefighting vehicles and more than 600 backpack pumps.

In the same period, according to him, about 40 motorboats were also distributed for emergency operations. But a part of the vehicles and equipment were not maintained and went out of use.

“We receive equipment, but we do not create the system for their maintenance, administration, and use. After a few years, the vehicles get damaged, lost, or remain out of operation and the situation returns to the starting point,” he says.

This concern matches the data of the municipalities, which show a decline in the number of functional vehicles due to age.

The purchase of 130 new vehicles, announced by the government, could improve the fleet, but without a stable maintenance fund and system, the risk is that after a few years, the problem will repeat.

According to Mr. Prençi, one of the most important measures is the creation of an early warning system and real-time reporting. He proposes that municipalities temporarily hire seasonal observers in high-risk areas during the summer months.

“The fire must be identified and reported in the first minutes. If a hotspot is detected when it has already engulfed several hectares, the response becomes much more difficult and costly,” he says.

Seasonal observers can be equipped with communication tools and report immediately for every hotspot.

A small fire can be extinguished with a few people and a few tools. After a few hours, the same hotspot may require national intervention, helicopters, and help from abroad.

Mr. Prençi demands that prevention not be limited to vehicles and equipment, but citizens, especially in rural areas, must know how to act when the fire breaks out near their land, garden, or home.

“The Agency should use short animated films and simple informational materials to explain to citizens how they should react,” he says. People must know how to notify, how to leave, and what not to do, so as not to endanger their lives and not to hinder intervention.

Education on disaster response should also be included in school curricula. A part of the fires are caused by carelessness, burning of agricultural waste, or cleaning land with fire. For this reason, community education is also a preventive measure, not just informative.

The ‘deception’ with wages.

The 2026 budget added 227.7 million lekë as a reward for the fire protection and rescue service. According to the local fire chief, it is not about a new reward, but about payments that employees were entitled to under the Labor Code.

“Firefighters were not paid for night hours, for holidays, and for official days off. These were treated as ordinary working days,” he says.

But the additional payments have created another problem. Firefighters who work in 24-hour shifts may receive higher incomes than inspectors, chiefs, and station heads, who do not benefit from night hour supplements.

“The station head, inspectors, and chiefs may receive less than the employees under their supervision,” says the representative.

This reduces interest in promotion and weakens the career system within the service. Also, the announced reward for firefighters depends on the budgets and decision-making of the municipalities, which creates different treatment from one local unit to another.

The invisible bill of damages.

Official data show that from the beginning of the summer season on June 22 until the beginning of July 2026, a total of 160 fire hotspots have been recorded across the entire territory of Albania. 127 cases were hotspots in areas with vegetation, bushes, brambles, forests, and urban waste, and 33 cases were fires of an urban character.

The balance of 2025 shows that in the whole country there were 346 fire cases only in the forest and pasture fund.

The flames swept more than 33.5 thousand hectares, while the burned area reached about 16.2 thousand hectares. The Ministry of Environment reported that 2025 was the second most problematic after 2017, both for the number of fires and the affected area.

The monetary damage was calculated at 7.186 billion lekë, or an average of about 444 thousand lekë per each burned hectare. Around 128.6 thousand cubic meters of timber material were burned by the fires, and only 25.6 thousand cubic meters are still assessed as usable.

But this calculation mainly includes the loss of timber. Outside the bill remain the costs of cleaning the surfaces, reforestation, maintenance of seedlings, and soil protection from erosion.

Not included are the losses in pastures, livestock, medicinal and aromatic plants, nor the expenses for vehicles, helicopters, fuel, and personnel.

When intervention is delayed due to the lack of roads, vehicles, and early detection, a small hotspot turns into a damage with a much higher cost. Official data of recent years show that in the last two decades 35% of the country’s forest area has been burned.

The Vlora region was the most affected area in 2025. The burned area exceeded 10 thousand hectares, while the economic damage was estimated at around 3.89 billion lekë. Vlora alone concentrated more than half of the damage reported at the national level.

Following it, among the most affected regions are Elbasan, Gjirokastra, Lezha, and Berat. The southern regions have higher exposure due to temperatures, drought, broken terrain, and large forest and pasture areas.

These areas are precisely those where the lack of forest roads and vehicles that can move on the terrain makes intervention from the ground more difficult.

Mr. Prençi demands that municipalities with large forest territories be equipped with small vehicles for hilly and mountainous terrain, as well as with water pumps that are carried on the back.

“Firefighters must have backpack pumps with a capacity of about 35 kilograms, which enable them to approach the hotspot even when the vehicle cannot enter,” he says.

According to him, the use of branches, shovels, and improvised tools for extinguishing fires shows that the system continues to work with primitive methods. “We cannot claim that we are protecting forests and homes when people are sent to the ground without the minimum equipment,” says Mr. Prençi./Monitor

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Lumir Abdixhiku will continue to lead the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) after once again securing the confidence of delegates at the party’s Extraordinary Assembly. In Thursday’s vote, 170 delegates opposed his dismissal, while 152 voted in favor of removing him.

The result brought the attempt to oust Abdixhiku to an end. His reconfirmation makes him the fourth leader in LDK history to continue at the helm of the party, at a time when it has faced internal debates and clashes over its leadership and political direction.

In his first appearance before the media following the Assembly’s decision, Abdixhiku thanked the delegates for their support and described the process as evidence of the level of internal democracy within the LDK.

According to him, through their vote, the delegates decided not only who would lead the party but also the policy direction it would pursue in the coming period.

“For the second time this year, the LDK demonstrated the highest level of democracy. The delegates to the LDK Assembly democratically set the direction not only for the leadership but also for the party’s policy orientation. I am pleased with the result and grateful that they confirmed the January result,” Abdixhiku told the media.

Political analysts believe that Abdixhiku’s continued tenure creates an opportunity for stability and continuity within the LDK. However, according to them, the main challenges remain internal reform, consolidating unity and preparing the party for the upcoming elections.

They believe that his remaining at the helm averts another political crisis within the party, while at the same time placing responsibility on Abdixhiku to reorganize its structures and manage internal differences.

Political analyst Faton Mehmeti, speaking to “Bota Sot,” described Abdixhiku’s reconfirmation as an important moment for the future of the Democratic League of Kosovo.

“Lumir’s re-election is currently the lesser evil for the LDK. Had he not been confirmed as party leader, we would have had a completely different story for the LDK. The country would automatically have gone to elections, and the LDK would have been blamed for it,” Mehmeti said.

He warned that such a development would have had negative consequences for the LDK’s future election result. Mehmeti also said that there are figures within the party who, in his view, do not act in its interests.

“Everything depends on how willing Lumir is to manage the party and purge it of certain people who are serving the PDK more than the LDK itself,” he said.

Mehmeti added that Abdixhiku would have more time for internal reforms if a political agreement were reached that avoided new elections and enabled a full term in government.

“If there are no elections and the issue of the president is resolved, creating a four-year term, then it will be easier for Lumir to reorganize the party and expand it for a new era,” Faton Mehmeti said.

Meanwhile, political analyst Eduart Gashi told “Bota Sot” that Abdixhiku’s re-election demonstrates that most of the LDK’s structures support his political direction.

“The reconfirmation of Lumir Abdixhiku at the helm of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) is an important political development that can be analyzed from several perspectives,” Gashi said.

According to him, the result shows that most of the party’s internal structures support Abdixhiku’s political course and his efforts to reform the party following the results of the previous elections.

“Abdixhiku’s re-election signals that most of the party’s internal structures support his political line and his efforts to reform the LDK following the results of the previous elections. This gives him a new mandate to continue his opposition strategy and prepare for the upcoming electoral challenges,” he said.

Gashi said that the possibility of divisions deepening is among the main issues raised following this process. According to him, further developments will depend on how the leadership handles differences within the party.

“As for the possibility of divisions deepening, that depends on several key factors,” he said.

Gashi emphasized that in a party with a long tradition, such as the LDK, it is natural for there to be factions and figures with differing positions. According to him, the degree of unity will be determined by how the new leadership includes or accommodates the other wings.

“In every party with a long tradition, such as the LDK, there are factions and figures with different views. The way the new leadership includes or accommodates the other wings will determine the level of unity,” he said.

According to Gashi, dissatisfaction could be eased if the leadership’s course is seen as successful and inclusive. Conversely, excluding certain figures could lead to friction or individual estrangement.

“If the path pursued by the new leadership is seen as successful and inclusive, the potential for dissatisfaction will decrease. Conversely, if certain figures feel sidelined, there may be friction or individual estrangement,” he said.

He added that Abdixhiku’s continued tenure as party leader indicates the LDK’s intention to continue its modernization. However, the main test of its unity and political strength will be its result in the upcoming national and local elections.

“Abdixhiku’s remaining at the helm means that the LDK intends to maintain continuity in its modernization process, but the true test of its unity and political strength will be the party’s performance in the upcoming national and local elections,” Gashi added.

The analyst stressed that the membership’s initiative to hold the Extraordinary Assembly, as well as the way the process was organized, demonstrated political maturity.

“Moreover, this process showed that the LDK passed a ‘test of democracy’ with complete success, demonstrating how internal party democracy truly works,” he said.

“The convening of an Extraordinary Assembly at the initiative of the membership, as well as the calm and organized participation, demonstrates political maturity,” Gashi continued.

He said that democracy within the party is sustained precisely by the existence of different factions and blocs, while emphasizing the importance of accepting and respecting the result of the vote.

“The existence of different blocs or factions within a party is precisely what keeps democracy alive. What matters is that, following the voting process, the result is accepted and respected,” he said.

“Democracy does not mean constant obstruction or simply being ‘against.’ On the contrary, it means finding the best possible solution, a win-win situation for everyone—especially for the country, its future and the building of a better tomorrow for the benefit of the people and the generations to come,” Gashi concluded for “Bota Sot.”

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This certification came after all procedures required by law were completed, including the handling of complaints and the verification of votes, giving legitimacy to the new composition of the Assembly and the allocation of parliamentary mandates.

The June 7 elections marked the third time Kosovo organized parliamentary elections in less than a year and a half, reflecting the political instability that has accompanied the country during this period.

According to the certified results, the Vetëvendosje Movement (LVV) once again emerged as the largest political force with 53 mandates, but without enough numbers to form the Government on its own. The Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) won 22 seats, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) 18, while the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) secured seven mandates.

Although the certification closes the election process, it also marks the beginning of a new political stage, from which the country’s direction in the coming years is expected to depend. The focus is now on the constitutional procedures for constituting the Assembly, electing the speaker and deputy speakers, granting the mandate to form the Government, and the possibility of securing a functional parliamentary majority.

In circumstances where no party alone has the votes needed to govern, talks between political entities are expected to be crucial. If they fail to produce results, the country could once again enter an institutional deadlock, raising questions about the constitutional way to overcome the crisis and the deadlines for establishing the new institutions.

Burjani: Constitutional deadlines must be strictly respected

Regarding this development, former Central Election Commission member Blerim Burjani spoke in an interview with “Bota sot”.

He stressed that after the certification of the results, the entire subsequent process must proceed in full compliance with Kosovo’s Constitution.

According to Burjani, the Assembly must first be constituted, then the Government elected, and afterward the country’s president as well.

“From now on, Kosovo’s Constitution must be followed. First, the Assembly must be constituted, the deputy speakers elected, the parliamentary groups formed and, within the 25-day deadline, the prime minister proposed. After that, the president must also be elected, within the deadlines set by the Constitution.”

He pointed out that the deadlines set by the Constitution must be implemented without deviation and that the Assembly should be constituted as quickly as possible.

“These are constitutional deadlines and they must be strictly respected. After the certification of the election results there is no set waiting period; the Assembly must be constituted as soon as possible,” Blerim Burjani concluded for “Bota sot”.

Halilaj: Certification of the results by the Central Election Commission marks the end of the election process

Lawyer Gazmend Halilaj also spoke to “Bota sot” about the formation of the new institutions.

He said that with this development, the constitutional phase for establishing the new institutions has begun and clarified the steps that must be followed next.

“The certification of the results by the Central Election Commission marks the end of the election process and opens the constitutional phase of forming the new institutions. The first step is the constitution of the Assembly, where deputies take the oath and the speaker and deputy speakers of the Assembly are elected. Only after the Assembly is constituted can the procedure for forming the Government begin.”

However, Halilaj stressed that the lack of agreement and political will could lead the country toward a new deadlock.

According to him, in such situations, the only path remains political dialogue and the implementation of the constitutional order.

“The Constitution and the legislation provide for certain deadlines and procedures, but they cannot replace political will. If the parties fail to reach an agreement on creating a parliamentary majority, the process may drag on and create an institutional deadlock. The solution in such cases remains political dialogue, respect for the constitutional order and, if disputes arise over the interpretation of constitutional provisions, the role of the competent institutions in providing the relevant clarifications,” he explained.

In the end, Halilaj added that responsibility for making the institutions functional falls on the political entities, which, according to him, are obliged to respect the will of the citizens and ensure the formation of the institutions as quickly as possible.

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During the past week, acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti spoke for the first time about the possibility of a coalition with the Democratic League of Kosovo after the June 7 elections.

Asked whether there would be cooperation with the LDK, Kurti said that contacts with political parties would begin as soon as the election results are certified. “As soon as the results are certified, we will begin communication immediately,” he declared.

On the other hand, the Democratic League of Kosovo is conditioning the winning party, Vetëvendosje Movement, on the post of president.

According to the LDK, if the post of president goes to this party, it is ready to provide the 18 votes of its deputies in return.

Observers of political developments in the country consider an LVV-LDK coalition a solution in the state’s interest. According to them, an agreement between these two parties would most likely be the most stable formula for the swift establishment of new institutions.

The LVV-LDK coalition is seen as the most suitable solution

Analyst Milazim Maraj believes that although there may be various obstacles to building an LVV-LDK coalition, it remains in the state’s interest.

According to him, even though there have been statements and internal disagreements after the elections regarding this cooperation, such a formula would be the most appropriate under the current circumstances.

“An LVV-LDK coalition is in the interest of the state of Kosovo, because the LDK has state-building experience and a list of high-level intellectuals in various fields for building institutions. There may be problems in forming a joint government for good leadership both externally and internally. Obstacles may arise, as always, in forming coalitions; but the question is whether there will be reasonable actions to establish a joint government. Will grudges and divisive elements be set aside and the state interest of Kosovo placed first? In this case, the issue of electing the President should also be addressed. But other obstacles may also emerge from one party or the other. Some LVV deputies, even after the end of the election campaign, continue to make harsh, offensive statements without a shred of culture or the necessary national respect for people from another party. This will have a negative impact on negotiations. The LDK also has internal disagreements resulting from the lack of democratic internal elections in the party. Such genuine elections have not been held since the death of President Dr. Ibrahim Rugova. Now, regarding a coalition with LVV, the LDK General Council must decide, and it is not easy to imagine the passage of proposals that carry not only state interests, but also party and individual ones. But in politics there is no full stop. Politics is the art of the possible. Perhaps a well-explained reason could influence feelings.”

“An LVV-LDK coalition would be the most appropriate in this political and geopolitical situation. The uniting of intellectual and professional values in the Government of Kosovo is very necessary, especially at this time of major geopolitical changes. Albanians are under attack at this time from all hostile fronts at every point of their national being. For this reason, all individual, party, or group interests should be overcome in order to concentrate forces on one point: the state interest of Kosovo and the common national interest in the Illyrian Peninsula. The investments are high and the missionaries very energetic and rigorous. Claims to take to the streets and solve in the streets problems that require cabinet-level analysis are the aim of these missionaries,” Maraj told “Bota sot.”

In his remarks to “Bota sot,” Maraj also presented possible calculations for how the LDK could act before and after the formation of the government.

He says that if the LDK enters a coalition with LVV, then it should prepare for a capable and reasonable government that can withstand storms.

“The creation of an anti-American and anti-European environment is one of the plans that can be clearly read. Portals publish false news and analyses that create a divided opinion in Kosovo. Because of this opinion, the agreements and decisions necessary for our national issue will be obstructed. The LDK should decide whether party elections will be held after the formation of the government or before its formation. If it is decided that they should be held now, this means it has decided to go into opposition. Whereas if they reach an agreement within the party, then they should prepare for a coalition with LVV and hold party elections after the formation of the Government of Kosovo. Preparing for a coalition means preparing to form a capable and reasonable government that can withstand all the storms now rising in the world and especially in the Illyrian Peninsula, where Russian influence for the ‘Russian World’ and Serbian influence for ‘Greater Serbia’ are being pursued. The influence of Iran and Turkey should not be ruled out either, as it seems to be strongly supported by various religious associations, communities and sects installed in Kosovo or influenced by centers outside Kosovo. But there is also one indicator knocking on the conscience of all parties. The culture shown in these repeated and quite monotonous elections has delivered a message to those elected to the Assembly. The failure of a large number of people to vote and the loss of respect among the electorate is also a threatening sign coming from the base to the elected representatives,” Maraj added to “Bota sot.”

LVV and LDK were in a governing coalition for around four months, specifically from February 3 to June 3, 2020, while their government lost its parliamentary majority after only about 50 days in office, when a no-confidence motion was voted through on March 25, 2020.

In the elections held in 2025, these two parties held meetings to find a consensus on co-governance or on the post of president, but failed to reach an agreement.

Main obstacles to an LVV-LDK coalition

Political scientist Ramadan Gjanaj told “Bota sot” that the main obstacle between LVV and LDK is not related to positions or the issue of the president, but to political trust between the two parties.

According to him, there is still mutual distrust over how a new governing partnership could function.

“In my opinion, the main obstacle is not related to the distribution of positions or even the issue of the president, but to political trust between the two parties. The experience of their coalition in 2020 ended in a quick breakdown and left consequences that continue to have an impact even today. There is still mutual distrust regarding how a new governing partnership would function. This issue of trust becomes even more important when one takes into account the political agenda awaiting the future government,” Gjanaj said to “Bota sot.”

According to Gjanaj, the real challenges are the dialogue with Serbia and the Association of Serb-majority municipalities, while the post of president and the distribution of ministries remain negotiable issues.

“Immediately after the formation of the institutions, Kosovo will face the continuation of the dialogue with Serbia and the demands of the European Union and the United States for the implementation of existing agreements, especially regarding the Association of Serb-majority municipalities. This is precisely where, in my view, the real challenge lies. The post of president or the distribution of ministries are issues that can be negotiated. Whereas the Association directly affects issues of sovereignty, constitutional order, and the political identity of the parties. It is also linked to relations with Western partners and may carry political costs for each side before its electorate. For this reason, it is a much more structural issue than simply dividing institutional responsibilities,” the political scientist emphasized.

Gjanaj believes there is a possibility for a cooperation formula between LVV and LDK, adding that a coalition of the two main Albanian political forces would give subsequent decisions broader political legitimacy.

“A coalition between LVV and LDK would most likely be the most stable formula for the rapid formation of new institutions. It would ensure a more stable parliamentary majority and reduce the risk of political blockages. However, the importance of such a coalition goes beyond forming the government. In the coming months, Kosovo’s institutions will have to make sensitive decisions related to the dialogue with Serbia and the expectations of Euro-Atlantic partners. A coalition uniting the two main Albanian political forces would give these decisions broader political legitimacy. Without a minimum consensus between the main parties, every step forward in the dialogue risks turning into an object of internal political clashes, which would weaken Kosovo’s international position and in the end could call into question the very stability of the coalition,” Gjanaj underlined.

He also mentions possible conditions the sides may set before the start of official negotiations. According to him, both parties may first seek clarification of their positions on Kosovo’s international obligations and on the acceptable limits of implementing the Association.

“I think there may indeed be conditions from both sides before official negotiations begin, and these may include the following. The LDK may seek guarantees on how the coalition will function, on a more collegial decision-making process, and on how international issues will be handled, especially the dialogue with Serbia. On the other hand, LVV may seek recognition of its role as the leading political force in the country, as well as agreement on the main priorities of the future government. But beyond institutional issues, it is possible that both parties will first seek clarification of their positions regarding Kosovo’s international obligations and the acceptable limits of implementing the Association. In the end, negotiations between LVV and LDK will not be only about the division of power. They will depend mainly on the ability of the two parties to build a sufficient level of trust that would enable them to face the difficult decisions awaiting Kosovo within the framework of the dialogue with Serbia. In this sense, the president is an issue that can be negotiated. The Association, on the other hand, is an issue of strategic vision for the state and for relations with international partners. Therefore, the real test of a possible LVV-LDK coalition will not be the distribution of positions, but their ability to agree on how the next phase of the dialogue with Serbia will be managed,” Gjanaj concluded to “Bota sot.”

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