This certification came after all procedures required by law were completed, including the handling of complaints and the verification of votes, giving legitimacy to the new composition of the Assembly and the allocation of parliamentary mandates.

The June 7 elections marked the third time Kosovo organized parliamentary elections in less than a year and a half, reflecting the political instability that has accompanied the country during this period.

According to the certified results, the Vetëvendosje Movement (LVV) once again emerged as the largest political force with 53 mandates, but without enough numbers to form the Government on its own. The Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) won 22 seats, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) 18, while the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) secured seven mandates.

Although the certification closes the election process, it also marks the beginning of a new political stage, from which the country’s direction in the coming years is expected to depend. The focus is now on the constitutional procedures for constituting the Assembly, electing the speaker and deputy speakers, granting the mandate to form the Government, and the possibility of securing a functional parliamentary majority.

In circumstances where no party alone has the votes needed to govern, talks between political entities are expected to be crucial. If they fail to produce results, the country could once again enter an institutional deadlock, raising questions about the constitutional way to overcome the crisis and the deadlines for establishing the new institutions.

Burjani: Constitutional deadlines must be strictly respected

Regarding this development, former Central Election Commission member Blerim Burjani spoke in an interview with “Bota sot”.

He stressed that after the certification of the results, the entire subsequent process must proceed in full compliance with Kosovo’s Constitution.

According to Burjani, the Assembly must first be constituted, then the Government elected, and afterward the country’s president as well.

“From now on, Kosovo’s Constitution must be followed. First, the Assembly must be constituted, the deputy speakers elected, the parliamentary groups formed and, within the 25-day deadline, the prime minister proposed. After that, the president must also be elected, within the deadlines set by the Constitution.”

He pointed out that the deadlines set by the Constitution must be implemented without deviation and that the Assembly should be constituted as quickly as possible.

“These are constitutional deadlines and they must be strictly respected. After the certification of the election results there is no set waiting period; the Assembly must be constituted as soon as possible,” Blerim Burjani concluded for “Bota sot”.

Halilaj: Certification of the results by the Central Election Commission marks the end of the election process

Lawyer Gazmend Halilaj also spoke to “Bota sot” about the formation of the new institutions.

He said that with this development, the constitutional phase for establishing the new institutions has begun and clarified the steps that must be followed next.

“The certification of the results by the Central Election Commission marks the end of the election process and opens the constitutional phase of forming the new institutions. The first step is the constitution of the Assembly, where deputies take the oath and the speaker and deputy speakers of the Assembly are elected. Only after the Assembly is constituted can the procedure for forming the Government begin.”

However, Halilaj stressed that the lack of agreement and political will could lead the country toward a new deadlock.

According to him, in such situations, the only path remains political dialogue and the implementation of the constitutional order.

“The Constitution and the legislation provide for certain deadlines and procedures, but they cannot replace political will. If the parties fail to reach an agreement on creating a parliamentary majority, the process may drag on and create an institutional deadlock. The solution in such cases remains political dialogue, respect for the constitutional order and, if disputes arise over the interpretation of constitutional provisions, the role of the competent institutions in providing the relevant clarifications,” he explained.

In the end, Halilaj added that responsibility for making the institutions functional falls on the political entities, which, according to him, are obliged to respect the will of the citizens and ensure the formation of the institutions as quickly as possible.

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During the past week, acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti spoke for the first time about the possibility of a coalition with the Democratic League of Kosovo after the June 7 elections.

Asked whether there would be cooperation with the LDK, Kurti said that contacts with political parties would begin as soon as the election results are certified. “As soon as the results are certified, we will begin communication immediately,” he declared.

On the other hand, the Democratic League of Kosovo is conditioning the winning party, Vetëvendosje Movement, on the post of president.

According to the LDK, if the post of president goes to this party, it is ready to provide the 18 votes of its deputies in return.

Observers of political developments in the country consider an LVV-LDK coalition a solution in the state’s interest. According to them, an agreement between these two parties would most likely be the most stable formula for the swift establishment of new institutions.

The LVV-LDK coalition is seen as the most suitable solution

Analyst Milazim Maraj believes that although there may be various obstacles to building an LVV-LDK coalition, it remains in the state’s interest.

According to him, even though there have been statements and internal disagreements after the elections regarding this cooperation, such a formula would be the most appropriate under the current circumstances.

“An LVV-LDK coalition is in the interest of the state of Kosovo, because the LDK has state-building experience and a list of high-level intellectuals in various fields for building institutions. There may be problems in forming a joint government for good leadership both externally and internally. Obstacles may arise, as always, in forming coalitions; but the question is whether there will be reasonable actions to establish a joint government. Will grudges and divisive elements be set aside and the state interest of Kosovo placed first? In this case, the issue of electing the President should also be addressed. But other obstacles may also emerge from one party or the other. Some LVV deputies, even after the end of the election campaign, continue to make harsh, offensive statements without a shred of culture or the necessary national respect for people from another party. This will have a negative impact on negotiations. The LDK also has internal disagreements resulting from the lack of democratic internal elections in the party. Such genuine elections have not been held since the death of President Dr. Ibrahim Rugova. Now, regarding a coalition with LVV, the LDK General Council must decide, and it is not easy to imagine the passage of proposals that carry not only state interests, but also party and individual ones. But in politics there is no full stop. Politics is the art of the possible. Perhaps a well-explained reason could influence feelings.”

“An LVV-LDK coalition would be the most appropriate in this political and geopolitical situation. The uniting of intellectual and professional values in the Government of Kosovo is very necessary, especially at this time of major geopolitical changes. Albanians are under attack at this time from all hostile fronts at every point of their national being. For this reason, all individual, party, or group interests should be overcome in order to concentrate forces on one point: the state interest of Kosovo and the common national interest in the Illyrian Peninsula. The investments are high and the missionaries very energetic and rigorous. Claims to take to the streets and solve in the streets problems that require cabinet-level analysis are the aim of these missionaries,” Maraj told “Bota sot.”

In his remarks to “Bota sot,” Maraj also presented possible calculations for how the LDK could act before and after the formation of the government.

He says that if the LDK enters a coalition with LVV, then it should prepare for a capable and reasonable government that can withstand storms.

“The creation of an anti-American and anti-European environment is one of the plans that can be clearly read. Portals publish false news and analyses that create a divided opinion in Kosovo. Because of this opinion, the agreements and decisions necessary for our national issue will be obstructed. The LDK should decide whether party elections will be held after the formation of the government or before its formation. If it is decided that they should be held now, this means it has decided to go into opposition. Whereas if they reach an agreement within the party, then they should prepare for a coalition with LVV and hold party elections after the formation of the Government of Kosovo. Preparing for a coalition means preparing to form a capable and reasonable government that can withstand all the storms now rising in the world and especially in the Illyrian Peninsula, where Russian influence for the ‘Russian World’ and Serbian influence for ‘Greater Serbia’ are being pursued. The influence of Iran and Turkey should not be ruled out either, as it seems to be strongly supported by various religious associations, communities and sects installed in Kosovo or influenced by centers outside Kosovo. But there is also one indicator knocking on the conscience of all parties. The culture shown in these repeated and quite monotonous elections has delivered a message to those elected to the Assembly. The failure of a large number of people to vote and the loss of respect among the electorate is also a threatening sign coming from the base to the elected representatives,” Maraj added to “Bota sot.”

LVV and LDK were in a governing coalition for around four months, specifically from February 3 to June 3, 2020, while their government lost its parliamentary majority after only about 50 days in office, when a no-confidence motion was voted through on March 25, 2020.

In the elections held in 2025, these two parties held meetings to find a consensus on co-governance or on the post of president, but failed to reach an agreement.

Main obstacles to an LVV-LDK coalition

Political scientist Ramadan Gjanaj told “Bota sot” that the main obstacle between LVV and LDK is not related to positions or the issue of the president, but to political trust between the two parties.

According to him, there is still mutual distrust over how a new governing partnership could function.

“In my opinion, the main obstacle is not related to the distribution of positions or even the issue of the president, but to political trust between the two parties. The experience of their coalition in 2020 ended in a quick breakdown and left consequences that continue to have an impact even today. There is still mutual distrust regarding how a new governing partnership would function. This issue of trust becomes even more important when one takes into account the political agenda awaiting the future government,” Gjanaj said to “Bota sot.”

According to Gjanaj, the real challenges are the dialogue with Serbia and the Association of Serb-majority municipalities, while the post of president and the distribution of ministries remain negotiable issues.

“Immediately after the formation of the institutions, Kosovo will face the continuation of the dialogue with Serbia and the demands of the European Union and the United States for the implementation of existing agreements, especially regarding the Association of Serb-majority municipalities. This is precisely where, in my view, the real challenge lies. The post of president or the distribution of ministries are issues that can be negotiated. Whereas the Association directly affects issues of sovereignty, constitutional order, and the political identity of the parties. It is also linked to relations with Western partners and may carry political costs for each side before its electorate. For this reason, it is a much more structural issue than simply dividing institutional responsibilities,” the political scientist emphasized.

Gjanaj believes there is a possibility for a cooperation formula between LVV and LDK, adding that a coalition of the two main Albanian political forces would give subsequent decisions broader political legitimacy.

“A coalition between LVV and LDK would most likely be the most stable formula for the rapid formation of new institutions. It would ensure a more stable parliamentary majority and reduce the risk of political blockages. However, the importance of such a coalition goes beyond forming the government. In the coming months, Kosovo’s institutions will have to make sensitive decisions related to the dialogue with Serbia and the expectations of Euro-Atlantic partners. A coalition uniting the two main Albanian political forces would give these decisions broader political legitimacy. Without a minimum consensus between the main parties, every step forward in the dialogue risks turning into an object of internal political clashes, which would weaken Kosovo’s international position and in the end could call into question the very stability of the coalition,” Gjanaj underlined.

He also mentions possible conditions the sides may set before the start of official negotiations. According to him, both parties may first seek clarification of their positions on Kosovo’s international obligations and on the acceptable limits of implementing the Association.

“I think there may indeed be conditions from both sides before official negotiations begin, and these may include the following. The LDK may seek guarantees on how the coalition will function, on a more collegial decision-making process, and on how international issues will be handled, especially the dialogue with Serbia. On the other hand, LVV may seek recognition of its role as the leading political force in the country, as well as agreement on the main priorities of the future government. But beyond institutional issues, it is possible that both parties will first seek clarification of their positions regarding Kosovo’s international obligations and the acceptable limits of implementing the Association. In the end, negotiations between LVV and LDK will not be only about the division of power. They will depend mainly on the ability of the two parties to build a sufficient level of trust that would enable them to face the difficult decisions awaiting Kosovo within the framework of the dialogue with Serbia. In this sense, the president is an issue that can be negotiated. The Association, on the other hand, is an issue of strategic vision for the state and for relations with international partners. Therefore, the real test of a possible LVV-LDK coalition will not be the distribution of positions, but their ability to agree on how the next phase of the dialogue with Serbia will be managed,” Gjanaj concluded to “Bota sot.”

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