However, it remains unclear whether political parties will find common ground within the legal deadlines, or whether the country could slide into an institutional deadlock.

Political analyst Zejnulla Jakupi spoke to “Bota sot” about what is expected to happen after the certification of the election results.

He initially explained that the constitutional phase for establishing the institutions has now begun and listed the main procedures that follow.

“After the certification of the results by the Central Election Commission (CEC), the constitutional phase for creating Kosovo’s new institutions begins. The certification of the results clears the way for the President to take steps toward constituting the Assembly and then forming the Government.

The main steps are: calling the constitutive session of the Assembly – the President must convene the first meeting of the Assembly within 30 days of the certification of the results. At this session, deputies take the oath and the speaker and deputy speakers of the Assembly are elected.

The mandate to form the Government will be given after the constitution of the Assembly, while the president mandates the candidate for prime minister, usually from the party or coalition that has won the most seats and has the ability to secure a parliamentary majority. The candidate must present the government cabinet and program for a vote in the Assembly,” he said.

Further on, Jakupi also spoke about the scenario in which there is no political agreement and the necessary votes to form the Government are not secured.

“At least 61 votes from 120 deputies are needed to approve the Government. What happens if there is no political agreement?

The law and the Constitution provide for procedures, but not always short deadlines that force a political solution. In practice, if the Assembly fails to constitute itself (for example, if the speaker is not elected), the process can remain blocked until the parties reach a compromise; if the candidate for prime minister does not secure a majority, other constitutional procedures for mandating may be followed, according to the interpretation of the Constitution and the practice of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo; if no majority can be created, one of the final solutions may be the calling of new elections, according to constitutional procedures.”

The analyst also stressed that the establishment of the institutions is directly linked to securing a parliamentary majority and that the law, in itself, does not necessarily unblock the process.

In this context, he underlined the need for a broader political agreement, recalling that 81 votes are needed to elect the president.

“So, the process is not automatically unblocked by law in the absence of a political agreement. Constitutional mechanisms provide procedural steps, but the formation of institutions ultimately depends on securing a parliamentary majority and, in cases of disagreement, also on interpretations by the Constitutional Court.

An agreement must nevertheless be reached – a consensus – so that the president can be elected by the parliamentary majority with 81 votes, by choosing a non-political candidate,” Zejnulla Jakupi concluded for “Bota sot”.

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This certification came after all procedures required by law were completed, including the handling of complaints and the verification of votes, giving legitimacy to the new composition of the Assembly and the allocation of parliamentary mandates.

The June 7 elections marked the third time Kosovo organized parliamentary elections in less than a year and a half, reflecting the political instability that has accompanied the country during this period.

According to the certified results, the Vetëvendosje Movement (LVV) once again emerged as the largest political force with 53 mandates, but without enough numbers to form the Government on its own. The Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) won 22 seats, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) 18, while the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) secured seven mandates.

Although the certification closes the election process, it also marks the beginning of a new political stage, from which the country’s direction in the coming years is expected to depend. The focus is now on the constitutional procedures for constituting the Assembly, electing the speaker and deputy speakers, granting the mandate to form the Government, and the possibility of securing a functional parliamentary majority.

In circumstances where no party alone has the votes needed to govern, talks between political entities are expected to be crucial. If they fail to produce results, the country could once again enter an institutional deadlock, raising questions about the constitutional way to overcome the crisis and the deadlines for establishing the new institutions.

Burjani: Constitutional deadlines must be strictly respected

Regarding this development, former Central Election Commission member Blerim Burjani spoke in an interview with “Bota sot”.

He stressed that after the certification of the results, the entire subsequent process must proceed in full compliance with Kosovo’s Constitution.

According to Burjani, the Assembly must first be constituted, then the Government elected, and afterward the country’s president as well.

“From now on, Kosovo’s Constitution must be followed. First, the Assembly must be constituted, the deputy speakers elected, the parliamentary groups formed and, within the 25-day deadline, the prime minister proposed. After that, the president must also be elected, within the deadlines set by the Constitution.”

He pointed out that the deadlines set by the Constitution must be implemented without deviation and that the Assembly should be constituted as quickly as possible.

“These are constitutional deadlines and they must be strictly respected. After the certification of the election results there is no set waiting period; the Assembly must be constituted as soon as possible,” Blerim Burjani concluded for “Bota sot”.

Halilaj: Certification of the results by the Central Election Commission marks the end of the election process

Lawyer Gazmend Halilaj also spoke to “Bota sot” about the formation of the new institutions.

He said that with this development, the constitutional phase for establishing the new institutions has begun and clarified the steps that must be followed next.

“The certification of the results by the Central Election Commission marks the end of the election process and opens the constitutional phase of forming the new institutions. The first step is the constitution of the Assembly, where deputies take the oath and the speaker and deputy speakers of the Assembly are elected. Only after the Assembly is constituted can the procedure for forming the Government begin.”

However, Halilaj stressed that the lack of agreement and political will could lead the country toward a new deadlock.

According to him, in such situations, the only path remains political dialogue and the implementation of the constitutional order.

“The Constitution and the legislation provide for certain deadlines and procedures, but they cannot replace political will. If the parties fail to reach an agreement on creating a parliamentary majority, the process may drag on and create an institutional deadlock. The solution in such cases remains political dialogue, respect for the constitutional order and, if disputes arise over the interpretation of constitutional provisions, the role of the competent institutions in providing the relevant clarifications,” he explained.

In the end, Halilaj added that responsibility for making the institutions functional falls on the political entities, which, according to him, are obliged to respect the will of the citizens and ensure the formation of the institutions as quickly as possible.

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In a statement to “Bota sot,” legal expert Muhamet Kelmendi said that the June 7 elections did not produce an outright winner, but rather a clear political message for cooperation among political entities.

According to him, the citizens’ vote was a call for compromise, dialogue, and the establishment of functional institutions, not for political clashes or one-sided governance.

“The June 7 elections did not produce an absolute winner. They produced something even more important: a clear political orientation for how Kosovo should be governed. The message from the citizens was clear: no one has enough trust to govern alone, therefore power must be built on cooperation, compromise, and shared responsibility.

In parliamentary democracies, this is the meaning of the vote. When the electorate distributes support among several political entities, it is not asking for domination, but for balance. It is not asking for political arrogance, but for a culture of dialogue. It is not asking for exclusion, but for inclusion. This is the verdict delivered by the citizens of Kosovo.

Therefore, any attempt to interpret the election result as an exclusive right to govern, or as a reason to reject any political cooperation, runs counter to the spirit of the citizens’ vote. The will of the citizens was not for the continuation of political clashes, but for the building of functional institutions,” he said.

Kelmendi underlined that the burden of creating the institutions now falls on political leaders, who, he said, must place the state interest above the party interest. He assessed that coalitions represent democratic maturity and that Kosovo needs functional institutions, not political blockages.

“Today, responsibility no longer lies with the citizens. They have fulfilled their democratic duty. The responsibility belongs to the political leaders. They must demonstrate that they are able to distinguish the interest of the state from the interest of the party and build a parliamentary majority that guarantees institutional stability.

Coalitions are not a sign of political weakness. On the contrary, they are proof of democratic maturity. In most European parliamentary democracies, governments are built precisely on political agreements, joint programs, and shared responsibilities. They function because parties understand that the national interest is greater than the party interest.

Kosovo does not need winners who fail to govern, nor oppositions that consider blockade a political strategy. It needs institutions that function, a government that makes decisions, and an Assembly that produces laws and reforms. Citizens expect economic development, a fight against corruption, the rule of law, better-quality education, better healthcare, and progress on the Euro-Atlantic path. None of these can be achieved under conditions of an endless institutional crisis,” he added.

In the end, Kelmendi stressed that the continuation of the political crisis causes harm to the state and undermines citizens’ trust in democratic institutions.

He called on political leaders to respect the election verdict and build institutions through dialogue, compromise, and responsibility.

“Kosovo’s political history has shown that prolonged crises produce no winners. The only loser is the state. The longer the political deadlock lasts, the more the citizens’ trust in democratic institutions and in politics itself is damaged.

Therefore, the June 7 elections should be read for what they are: a mandate for co-governance. Citizens did not vote for division, but for responsibility. They did not vote for blockade, but for functionality. They did not vote for political ego, but for solutions.

The political class must understand that democracy does not end on election day; it only begins there. True victory is not measured by the number of mandates, but by the ability to build stable institutions that serve the citizens.

In the end, the citizens’ verdict is wiser than the parties’ calculations. They did not choose a single-party government. They chose a Kosovo governed through dialogue, compromise, and responsibility. It is the duty of political leaders to respect this mandate. Anything else would be disregard for the citizens’ will and a loss for Kosovo’s democracy,” he concluded for “Bota sot”.

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He explained that the 30-day period for holding and successfully concluding the constitutive session of the Assembly begins on July 9 and ends on August 7, 2026. According to him, this session must be convened by Albulena Haxhiu, in her capacity as acting President.

Cakolli stressed that if this does not happen within the specified deadline, the Assembly convenes itself on the thirtieth day.

Before the constitutive session is held, Albulena Haxhiu, in her capacity as Speaker of the previous legislature, must call the preparatory meeting with the leaders of the 15 political entities that have secured seats in the Assembly. This meeting must be held no later than five days before the session and is intended to prepare the agenda, as well as determine the seating of MPs in the chamber according to their political entities.

Until the Speaker of the Assembly is elected, the constitutive session will be chaired by the oldest MP, Avni Dehari of LVV, with the assistance of the youngest MP, Fatma Taçi of KDTP.

According to him, the course of proceedings in this session is already defined. First, the Temporary Committee for Verification of Quorum and Mandates is established and its report is approved by a majority vote. Then the MPs take the oath, followed by the vote for the Speaker of the Assembly, and finally the deputy speakers are elected.

Cakolli said that the proposal for Speaker of the Assembly belongs to LVV, as the largest parliamentary entity, while the election is made with at least 61 votes. If the same candidate fails to secure the votes after three attempts, then another name must be proposed. He also clarified that the vote for Speaker must be open, except in cases where there is consensus to change the voting method.

After the Speaker is elected, the Assembly continues with the selection of five deputy speakers. Three of them are proposed by the three largest parliamentary entities, LVV, PDK and LDK. One deputy speaker is proposed by the MPs of the Serb community, namely by LS, while another is proposed by MPs from the other non-majority communities. All must receive at least 61 votes. In principle, the deputy speakers should be voted on as a package. At least the three deputy speakers proposed by the largest parliamentary entities can be put to a joint vote, while the two deputy speakers from the non-majority communities can be voted on separately.

He underlined that the Assembly is considered constituted only after both the Speaker and all five deputy speakers have been elected.

According to Cakolli, only after the constitution of the Assembly is fully completed do two separate constitutional processes open: the one for forming the Government and the one for electing the President.

He stressed that these two procedures do not exclude one another and that neither the Constitution nor the rulings of the Constitutional Court make the formation of the Government conditional on the prior election of the President.

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The June 7 election was the third time Kosovo organized parliamentary voting in less than a year and a half.

From this electoral process, the Vetëvendosje Movement (LVV) secured 53 mandates. The Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) won 22 seats, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) 18 seats, while the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) won seven seats.

Following the certification of the results, parliament speaker and at the same time acting president Albulena Haxhiu is obliged to convene the constitutive session of the Assembly.

The Constitution stipulates that this session must be held within 30 days of the certification of the results.

At the constitutive session, the Assembly is formally established, the speaker and deputy speakers are elected, and the way is then opened for the procedures to create the new Government.

After the Assembly is constituted, Haxhiu proposes the party that won the elections as the nominee to form the Government, which in this case is the Vetëvendosje Movement.

Radio Free Europe asked Haxhiu’s office when the constitutive session is expected to be called, but received no response.

According to Naim Jakaj, a researcher at the Kosovo Law Institute (IKD), although there is a constitutional deadline of 30 days from the certification, the session could also be convened much earlier.

“Given that the election results are already known, there is no objective reason for the process to be dragged out,” he said.

As an example, in the most recent parliamentary elections held months ago, the elected deputies constituted the Assembly and voted in the new Government on the same day, in a single session on February 11.

This had happened after representatives of the parliamentary parties and the then speaker of the Assembly, Dimal Basha, had agreed in advance on the agenda, including a package vote on the Assembly’s deputy speakers.

The process had also been eased by the convincing victory of the party of acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti, the Vetëvendosje Movement.

Since the ruling party appears to have the votes to constitute the Assembly and to form the Government, these two processes are not expected to face obstacles.

However, another issue could keep the country in a political and institutional crisis: the election of the new president.

Kurti’s party has won 53 seats in the 120-seat Assembly, while it needs at least 61 for the Assembly and the new Government.

Given Kurti’s cooperation so far with non-Serb minority parties, which hold 10 seats, votes for this process are not expected to be a problem.

LVV official Arbërie Nagavci told RFE days ago that the ruling party has secured the votes to form the new Government and that it will seek consensus with other parties for the election of the president.

Jakaj believes that Kurti will have to sit down with opposition parties to reach a political agreement, so that the country can have the long-term functioning of its institutions.

“A party that puts the state’s interest first should bear in mind that any delay in the formation of institutions produces costs for the country, whether in European integration, economic development, the implementation of reforms, or the loss of important opportunities for citizens,” Jakaj said.

For the vote for Kosovo’s president to be valid, the presence of 2/3 of deputies in the 120-seat Assembly is required.

If a political agreement is lacking, this remains impossible for any parliamentary party.

The Constitution provides that the president must be elected within 60 days from the day the Assembly is constituted.

If this does not happen, then the Assembly is dissolved and the country goes to new elections, Jakaj said.

So far, political parties have not held talks on a possible political agreement regarding the president.

Kurti has said he is ready for talks with other parties, while Nagavci told RFE that their party “will do everything” within its mandate to secure the votes needed to elect the new president.

PDK has said it would be open to talks with all parties, without excluding LVV, while LDK has set several preconditions for an agreement on the creation of new institutions, including the issue of American gas.

Jakaj stressed that the parties’ statements so far “show that the road to an agreement will not be easy.”

“Kurti has expressed readiness for dialogue with the other parties. But full transparency is needed here so that it is known whether this is genuine will. Public statements are not enough. There is no obstacle to the parties immediately starting discussions on a political agreement, because any delay increases the risk of a new institutional crisis and repeated elections,” Jakaj stressed.

If the country goes to elections again, then they would be the fourth parliamentary elections since the beginning of 2025.

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CEC spokesperson Valmir Elezi announced that the meeting of this institution is scheduled to be held on Wednesday at 11:00. “The meeting was scheduled after the Supreme Court ruled on the complaints submitted to this institution. On the agenda is the certification of the final results of the early elections for the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo, which were held on June 7,” Elezi said.

Meanwhile, Kosovo’s Supreme Court dismissed as unfounded five administrative complaints filed against the decisions of the Electoral Complaints and Appeals Panel (ECAP), which concerned the final results of the early elections for the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo.

According to the Supreme Court’s assessment, the ECAP decisions on the complaints submitted by the political entity Serb List, as well as by parliamentary candidate Emilija Rexhepi and parliamentary candidates Bekim Haxhiu and Qëndrim Kryeziu, were made in accordance with the Constitution and Law No. 08/L-228 on General Elections in the Republic of Kosovo. The court also found that the claims in the complaints were not supported by convincing evidence that would justify intervention in the final election results.

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