An extensive anti-drug operation led by prosecutor Ersan Qavolli resulted in the seizure of more than one ton of drugs in Peja in September 2024.

Two years after the operation, the Serious Crimes Department at the Peja Basic Prosecution Office has filed an indictment against nine people suspected of cultivating and trafficking narcotic substances, as well as committing other criminal offenses.

Although he had received death threats, Qavolli continued the investigation until the case was fully resolved, turning it into one of the largest anti-drug operations in Kosovo.

During searches conducted on September 27, 2024, a total of 2,850 cannabis sativa plants were discovered on two plots of land in the villages of Kliqinë and Sferkë. They had been used to produce cannabis sativa narcotics, with a total weight of more than 1,035 kilograms and 712 grams, which the Kosovo Police seized after executing the search warrant.

The drugs, which are suspected of having been intended for the international market, were valued at approximately 5 million euros. The operation to seize and destroy them lasted around 14 hours.

Local institutions from Peja took part in the operation, including the Prosecution Office and the Police, as well as central structures, including the Special Operations Unit and other relevant teams.

According to reporting by IndeksOnline, the indictment filed today includes Eldi Mykajn, Erion Etemajn, Engjelush Ibrahimin, Klodian Qoklin, Shkëlqim Xhijan, Mirjon Qoklin, Istref Bajramin, Liridon Hazirajn and Enver Hasanin.

In addition to the charges related to narcotics, one of the defendants is also charged with the criminal offense of “Counterfeiting currency.” Another is accused of “Unauthorized possession, control or ownership of weapons,” after a long AK-47 rifle, along with ammunition, was found and seized during the search.

The Basic Prosecution Office in Peja has stated that it will continue its efforts in the fight against criminal offenses related to narcotics and will take all legal measures against people suspected of involvement in such activities.

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The Special Prosecution of the Republic of Kosovo has asked the Basic Court in Pristina, Special Department, to order the pretrial detention of nine people suspected of “War crimes against the civilian population.”

According to the request obtained by “Betimi për Drejtësi,” the suspects include Dragan Gjuriq, Millosh Raskoviq, Miroslav Radojeviq, Radisav Raskoviq, Sasha Gjukiq, Svetislav Gjukiq, Vukoje Lepoviq, Rangel Raskoviq, known by the nickname “Lane,” and Dalibor Gjuriq.

The prosecution links them to the case known as the “Intellectuals Group,” concerning the killing and disappearance of 23 Albanian civilians in the territory of Zubin-Potok. According to the case file, the victims were first detained, then robbed and mistreated, and ultimately executed. After the killings, the suspects allegedly tried to burn the bodies with gasoline and mutilated them with blunt instruments.

The main incident, according to the suspicion indictment, took place on April 19, 1999, during the war in Kosovo. On that day, Dragan Gjuriq, Milomir Radojeviq, Millosh Raskoviq, Miroslav Radojeviq, Radisav Raskoviq, Sasha Gjukiq, Svetislav Gjukiq, Vladan Tomaseviq, Vukoje Lepoviq, Rangel Raskoviq, nicknamed “Lane,” Jovica Utviq and Dalibor Gjuriq, together with other people identified by the prosecution as members of the military Territorial Defense, allegedly mobilized and armed themselves with various types of weapons.

The group, operating in the villages of Zubin-Potok, detained 23 Albanian civilians at a place called Melaja, in the village of Kalludër e Vogël. According to the prosecution, after being detained, they were robbed and abused, then killed.

The identified victims are Adem Ademi, Demir Ahmeti, Idriz Rreci, Adem Beqiri, Hasan Dervari, Sahit Barani, Fatmir Fazliu, Ali Haliti, Bekim, Naser, Sali, Samir, Selim, Shaqir, Tahir, Gjemajl, Gjevdet and Zymer Meziu, Faton, Mahit, Nazmi, Shaip and Shkelzen Ujkani.

Twenty of the 23 civilians are still listed as missing. Three victims have been identified through DNA analysis.

The case file alleges that the suspects, in cooperation with other identified individuals, buried the bodies at the bottom of a meadow in Melaja, in Kalludër e Vogël, near the river. According to the prosecution, the bodies were buried to conceal evidence of the crime.

On April 20, 1999, at around 10:00 a.m., the suspects allegedly returned to the same place. They first took the bodies of 13 victims they had killed and began burning them with gasoline. When they ran out of gasoline, they allegedly struck and dismembered the corpses with axes, a hammer, a pickaxe and other blunt instruments. The bodies were then buried near the river, about 200 meters from where the killings had taken place.

The prosecution also links the suspects to an incident on April 18, 1999, when, according to the case file, Sahit and Sadete Feka, Deli Isufi and Rabije Isufi were shot and killed.

After the killings, the victims were allegedly buried in the village of Jabukë in Zubin-Potok. Meanwhile, witness and injured party Muharrem Feka was separated from the group. According to the description in the case file, he was first physically assaulted and then ordered to put his hands behind his head and head toward the mountains.

As Feka was leaving, the defendants allegedly fired at him, wounding him in the head and chest. He fell and lost consciousness, but when he came to, he heard gunshots and noticed that his family members, fellow travelers and the police were no longer at the scene.

In serious condition, Feka continued through the mountains to the village of Germovë, where a neighbor who worked as a medical technician gave him first aid.

By these actions, the defendants are suspected of committing the criminal offense of “War crimes against the civilian population,” provided for and punishable under Articles 142 and 22 of the Criminal Code of the SFRY, and currently criminalized under Articles 31 and 153 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Kosovo.

The prosecution alleges that the actions were carried out in violation of Common Article 3 of the four Geneva Conventions of August 12, 1949, as well as Articles 4 and 5 (1) of Protocol 3 of June 8, 1977, annexed to the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and all rules of international law in force during the armed conflict in Kosovo.

Special Prosecutor Florije Salihu-Shamolli has requested the defendants’ pretrial detention, finding that the measure is necessary to ensure their presence in the criminal proceedings. According to the request, the legal conditions set out in Article 184, paragraph 1, subparagraphs 1 and 2, points 1.2.1 and 1.2.2 of the Criminal Procedure Code have been met.

One of the reasons cited by the prosecution is the risk of flight. It says the defendants are Serbian citizens and residents of Serbia, and hold passports issued by the Republic of Serbia that allow them to travel anywhere in the world without being subject to visa requirements.

The prosecution also stressed that the Republic of Serbia does not cooperate in any way with the Republic of Kosovo on matters related to war crimes. For this reason, if the defendants were to flee to Serbia, Kosovo’s justice authorities would be unable to ensure their presence in court proceedings.

Another risk identified is the possibility that, if released, the defendants could influence witnesses and injured parties or coordinate with other co-perpetrators. The prosecution explained that the case is still under investigation and not all witnesses who could provide information about the manner, circumstances, means, time and place of the crimes have been interviewed.

According to the prosecution, there is also a possibility that the suspects may try to destroy or damage material evidence. For this reason, and taking into account the nature of the crimes, the circumstances in which they were committed, and the defendants’ conduct from the end of the war until now, other measures to ensure their presence have been deemed insufficient.

The prosecution has concluded that pretrial detention is an appropriate and necessary measure at this stage of the criminal proceedings.

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Ardit Kutleshi, a 28-year-old from Kosovo, has pleaded guilty before U.S. authorities for his role in founding and administering Rydox, an internet platform specializing in the sale of stolen personal information and tools for committing cybercrimes.

The announcement was made by the U.S. Department of Justice, and the case also drew attention on social media through the FBI Cyber Division, which underlined that Rydox had placed on the market highly sensitive data and stolen identities belonging to thousands of citizens.

According to court materials, the Rydox platform had been operating at least since 2016 and during that period had carried out more than 7,600 transactions, collecting income of no less than $232,000.

On this virtual marketplace, personal data, login credentials for various accounts and tools that could be used for online fraud were offered.

Kutleshi was convicted of aggravated identity theft and participation in a money laundering conspiracy. He was detained by law enforcement in Kosovo in December 2024 and during 2025 was handed over to U.S. authorities through extradition.

Brett Leatherman, assistant director of the FBI’s Cyber Division, stressed that Rydox had made available tools for cybercrime and sensitive information, including identities and login data of thousands of people.

Meanwhile, U.S. prosecutor Troy Rivetti stated that Ardit Kutleshi and his brother, Jetmir Kutleshi, had run the platform for financial gain. Jetmir had pleaded guilty and was sentenced in December 2025 before being forcibly sent back to Kosovo.

Rivetti added that such cyber offenses cause not only material damage, but also leave consequences for the mental health of victims.

American officers had blocked the Rydox domain in December 2024, putting an end to the platform’s activity. The investigations were carried out in close coordination between the FBI and the relevant institutions of Kosovo, Albania and Malaysia.

The sentencing hearing for Kutleshi is scheduled for February 9, 2027. For aggravated identity theft, the law provides for a mandatory minimum of two years in prison, while for money laundering conspiracy the maximum sentence can reach up to 20 years of imprisonment.

The final decision on sentencing will be made by the federal court.

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The Hague Specialist Prosecutor’s Office has called for a harsher sentence for former Kosovo President Hashim Thaçi in Case “12,” which concerns obstruction of justice. In its final submission, the SPO requested that the period he has spent in pretrial detention not be counted in this case.

According to the Prosecution’s argument, the time spent in pretrial detention may be deducted for Thaçi only in Case “06,” in which he was sentenced to 25 years’ imprisonment.

The SPO referred to Rule 163(6), which guarantees accused persons the right to have time spent in pretrial detention before sentencing counted. However, the Prosecution emphasized that Thaçi is currently being held in pretrial detention on the basis of two separate arrest warrants: since November 2020 in Case 6; 1463, and since November 2024 in the current proceedings.

The Prosecution assessed that similar situations have also arisen before other tribunals, when a person is separately charged with obstructing the fundamental proceedings conducted against them.

Referring to the Appeals Chamber’s decision in the Bemba et al. case, the SPO argued that when an accused person is held in pretrial detention because of arrest warrants issued in different cases, this period may be taken into account only once.

According to the Prosecution, such an approach is necessary to ensure the deterrent effect of the sentence. Otherwise, an accused person might not be deterred from carrying out such acts if they knew that the time spent in pretrial detention would be deducted from their sentence both in the main case and in the proceedings for obstruction of justice.

For this reason, the SPO requested that any calculation of the time Thaçi spent in pretrial detention be made only as part of his sentence in Case 6, since throughout these proceedings he was also detained on the charges in that case.

In Case “12,” the Specialist Prosecutor’s Office has requested a six-year prison sentence for Hashim Thaçi. If the request not to count his pretrial detention is accepted and added to the 25-year sentence in Case “06,” his overall sentence at the Specialist Chambers would reach 31 years in prison.

For the other accused, the Prosecution has requested three years in prison for Bashkim Smakaj, Isni Kilaj and Fadil Fazliu, while it has requested nine months in prison for Hajredin Kuçi.

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Two people have been arrested as part of an operation being conducted by the Special Prosecution Office against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK) into the AKSHI case.

Those arrested are Fatjon Kalluci, head of the Police Scientific Laboratory, and Embro Sulejmani, a businessman in Durrës.

Meanwhile, it is reported that searches have also been carried out in the Shkozet area of Durrës.

As part of this operation, searches were conducted at the home of former police chief Ilir Proda, who was questioned by SPAK earlier, as well as at the home of SHISH director Vlora Hyseni.

The Special Court has imposed the security measure of house arrest on Vlora Hyseni at SPAK’s request and has also suspended her from office.

The measure against Hyseni has not been enforced because she is abroad, while she is suspected of two criminal offenses: supporting the perpetrator of a crime and disclosing a state secret.

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Following a meeting of the Presidency of the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), its chairman, Bedri Hamza, spoke about expectations regarding the next steps in the case for which a first-instance decision has been issued.

Hamza said he hoped the case would not be sent back for retrial and that the Court of Appeals would issue a fair decision based on facts, evidence and the principles of justice.

Speaking to reporters, he stressed that their demand was justice and that he expected the Appeals Court to handle the case correctly. According to Hamza, the decision-making should be entrusted to judges with integrity and professionalism, who would base their position on the evidence and facts.

Asked about the possibility of withdrawing the case before the Constitutional Court, in connection with the constitution of the Assembly without this party’s deputy speaker, Hamza described it as a hypothetical situation that could arise in the coming days. He said the case would not be withdrawn without a need and reason for such an action.

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The next hearing in the criminal proceedings against six people accused of murdering Kosovo Police Sergeant Muhamet Lika is being held today at the Basic Court of Ferizaj.

The court hearing is scheduled to begin at 9:00 a.m.

The indictment against H.B., R.M., V.Ç., E.L., SH.K. and D.G. was filed on January 9, 2026, by the Serious Crimes Department of the Basic Prosecution Office in Ferizaj.

According to the indictment, the six defendants are suspected of having acted jointly and, following prior preparations, murdered police officer Muhamet Lika in Kaçanik at around 11:00 p.m. on April 1, 2025. According to the Prosecution, a minor was also involved in the case, and a firearm was used.

The Prosecution has requested that the defendants be found guilty and receive the punishment prescribed by law. It has also requested that their detention be extended until the conclusion of the court proceedings.

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Bedri Hamza, chairman of the PDK, announced that the issue of the failure to constitute the Assembly will be referred to the Constitutional Court.

He said the case would be submitted to the Constitutional Court within the deadlines set by law.

Hamza made the statement during a press conference after the PDK left the chamber because the Vetëvendosje Movement did not support Vlora Çitaku with its votes for the post of deputy speaker of the Assembly.

Hamza said that the PDK had taken part in the session with the aim of constituting the Assembly and ensuring that the country had functioning institutions. According to him, the majority party, the Vetëvendosje Movement, and Albin Kurti do not intend to establish the country’s institutions, but are continuing with irresponsible, non-institutional and anti-state actions that do not serve the citizens of Kosovo. He accused them of creating dramas and crises, as well as situations unknown to them in order to continue the blockade.

The PDK chairman stated that, as of today, the Democratic Party of Kosovo no longer sees any reason to participate in the work of the Assembly of Kosovo. He confirmed that the case would be referred to the Constitutional Court, adding that the PDK was convinced that the deadlines had expired on August 7.

Vlora Çitaku failed to be elected deputy speaker because she did not secure the required number of votes, as a result of Vetëvendosje voting against her. Her candidacy was supported by the PDK and the LDK.

Meanwhile, Ardian Gola, nominated by Vetëvendosje for deputy speaker, received votes in favor from both the PDK and the LDK.

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The Kosovo Judicial Council has decided not to accept the request by judges and support staff members from the Serbian community to annul their resignations and return to their positions.

The matter was reviewed on Thursday morning, when KJC members voted on the request. By a majority vote, the Council rejected it and recommended that Acting President Albulena Haxhiu relieve the judges of their duties.

The institution linked the decision to the collective resignations submitted several years ago by Serbian judges and staff within the justice system.

The KJC’s position has also drawn a reaction from the European Union, which expressed “deep regret” over the failure to approve their return to office.

Professor Kolë Krasniqi considers the decision not to allow the automatic return of Serbian judges who left office in 2022 to be legally grounded and institutionally justified. According to him, the resignations did not represent ordinary individual decisions, but rather a political and collective action that had consequences for the institutions.

Krasniqi stresses that the independence of the judiciary, as well as the implementation of the Constitution and the laws, must remain fundamental principles. The KJC decision was adopted with nine votes in favor, one against and one abstention, while the names of the judges were submitted to the President for their formal dismissal from office.

According to the professor, a judge exercises state authority and must be protected from political and ethnic influence, as well as from instructions issued by any authority outside the constitutional order. For this reason, an organized departure for political motives undermines citizens’ trust in the impartiality, stability and constitutional commitment of the justice system. He believes it would not be reasonable, after nearly four years, to annul resignations that had been declared irrevocable without taking into account the legal and institutional consequences that had arisen.

Krasniqi says the decision should convey the message that justice institutions cannot be abandoned and used as a tool of political pressure, followed by an automatic return to one’s position without a procedure, professional review or individual accountability. He adds that the authority and independence of the KJC are strengthened if the reasoning behind the decision is clearly based on the Constitution and the law, is applied individually and does not involve discriminatory treatment.

However, he underlines that ethnicity should serve neither as an obstacle nor as an advantage. For this reason, he says, new, open and transparent competitions should be held. Former Serbian judges would be able to apply as individuals, subject to the same criteria as other candidates, including checks of integrity, impartiality, professional skills and non-involvement in political activities.

In the short term, the decision could create difficulties for the work of courts in the north and be used politically by Belgrade. In the long term, however, the professor believes that sustainable integration cannot be achieved through politically agreed collective returns, but through individual participation, respect for the Constitution and equal competition.

Krasniqi concludes that the decision can contribute to strengthening the rule of law only if it is immediately followed by the selection of qualified judges and employees from the Serbian community, as well as concrete measures to guarantee northern residents effective access to justice. According to him, responsibility must remain individual, while the integration of institutions must continue to be a strategic objective of the Republic of Kosovo.

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Nezir Kraki, a deputy from the Vetëvendosje Movement, has reacted to reports about Fatmir Sheholli, claiming that several media outlets in Kosovo and Albania have been used to fuel political and religious divisions.

Kraki revealed that, about a year ago, he refused to take part in a televised debate in Albania focused on the issue of Islamic headscarves in Kosovo’s schools. He considered the topic divisive and said that the following day it was also covered by several media outlets in Kosovo.

The deputy criticized what he described as the “normalization of ignorance,” while assessing that the Fatmir Sheholli case says more about society than about Sheholli’s activities. “Fatmir Sheholli was exposed and exposed us,” Kraki wrote.

Full post:

Fatmir Sheholli Exposed Us

About a year ago, I received a phone call from a television station in Albania. They asked me whether I could take part in a debate the following day.

I asked them what the topic would be and who would be taking part.

They told me that the discussion would focus on Islamic headscarves in Kosovo’s schools.

I replied that at that time we had around 100 problems and political blockades to address. I asked them how the issue of religion had become so urgent for public opinion.

I told them clearly that behind many of the topics and debates about Kosovo in the Albanian media were Serbian intelligence services. In a friendly manner, I suggested that they not cover such topics, which are intended to create divisions among us.

I also told them that the “topic” would most likely be picked up by other media outlets as well, since such issues are disseminated through increasingly broad scenarios.

I categorically refused to take part in the debate.

The following day, the hosts of the midday programs on T7 and TV Dukagjin had already opened discussions about religious divisions. People as anonymous as they were uninformed had been invited into the studios.

According to him, the objective was the same in Albania and Kosovo: to turn the debate into a religious one and highlight divisions that, in reality, have never existed among us. I wrote to the person from Tirana and sent him links to the same debates that had taken place in Kosovo.

I asked him whether he understood how this issue was unfolding.

He replied that it was an interesting coincidence.

Now, following the exposure of Fatmir Sheholli and that old Gorani man from the BIA, these scenarios have become clear. I did not wait for the arrest of the spies to understand that many media outlets, whether intentionally or unintentionally, are serving Serbia.

I have often repeated that ignorance is our greatest enemy. As Hannah Arendt theorized, where thought is absent, evil finds room to grow. The desire to present yourself as somebody when in reality you are nobody creates leagues among nobodies. These nobodies are now constructing a parallel reality in which neither rules nor truths exist.

For this reason, there can be no intervention by a shameless journalist who gives a psychopath airtime during a midday program to spread conspiracy theories claiming that Kosovo is cooperating with Serbia to uncover weapons in the north.

That is precisely why Kosovo today faces a greater risk than it did in 2008, when it declared independence.

Today, we are the ones putting Kosovo at risk because we have made ignorance commonplace in every field and on every issue.

Therefore, the Sheholli case is far more tragic than his own activities in the service of Serbia. This case says more about us than it does about Fatmir, the spy.

In truth, Fatmir Sheholli was exposed and, at the same time, exposed us.

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