Acting Minister for Labor, Family and the Values of the Liberation War, Andin Hoti, said that identifying bodies discovered in mass graves through DNA analysis can take at least six months.

According to him, the samples are sent for examination to the relevant laboratory in The Hague, the Netherlands, which affects the length of the procedure.

Hoti was reserved in his comments on the matter, stressing that he understands what the families of missing persons feel and are going through.

“The families do not know, nor are they required to know, that the DNA comparison procedure alone takes a minimum of six months, as the samples are first sent to the Institute of Forensic Medicine and then to The Hague,” he said.

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In its statement to the media, Vita recalled that on July 6 it had announced the resumption of milk collection from farmers. According to the company, the decision followed a meeting with Minister Faton Peci Muja and FVA representatives, during which it was promised that the test results would be released by July 13.

The company stressed that more than two weeks have passed since the samples were taken on July 2, yet the results have still not been provided or made public.

“We know the results because we know what we process and how we do our work. The results cannot be anything other than 100% milk,” Vita said in its statement. The company called for the tests to be published without delay, arguing that farmers “do not deserve silence” and citizens “do not deserve uncertainty.”

For its part, the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Rural Development rejected Vita’s claims. The Ministry clarified that it had made no public or official commitment to publish the results on July 13.

According to the Ministry, laboratory results constitute only one part of the official inspection process. Administrative, technical and legal verifications must be completed before public conclusions can be issued.

“Publishing partial results or individual analyses before the official procedure is completed would be contrary to the principles of official controls and could lead to misinterpretation of the findings,” the Ministry said in its response.

The Ministry said it had asked the FVA’s Chief Executive Officer to expedite the procedure. According to the Ministry, the final report will be submitted no later than July 27, 2026, though it may be published earlier if the analyses and verifications are completed before that deadline.

The Ministry added that it would not comment on the claims of economic operators until the official procedure is completed. It stressed that only the final report, prepared by the competent authority, serves as the legal basis for assessing products’ compliance with the legislation in force.

The dispute between Vita and the institutions follows an inspection and the collection of samples at the dairy several days ago.

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In a published statement, it said that the unexpected oil revenues have been partially offset by the strengthening of the currency, as well as by subsidies granted to oil companies and refineries, which has limited the positive effect on the Russian economy.

The EU Office emphasizes in the statement that “In the first four months of 2026, Russia’s budget deficit reached 5.9 trillion rubles, significantly higher than the 3.8 trillion rubles planned for the entire year. It is also reported that more than 200,000 businesses have closed since January.”

According to the published figures, interest rates in Russia remain high, while corporate debt has increased significantly since the start of the war in Ukraine. The country is also facing a labor shortage, tax increases, and shrinking domestic demand.

According to the EU, the 20 adopted sanctions packages continue to restrict Russia’s access to technology, finance, logistics, and energy markets, creating long-term costs for its economy.

The statement also stresses that rising oil prices may provide only temporary relief, but do not reverse the structural economic damage, as pressure on Russia remains ongoing.

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At the latest meeting with the Socialist Party parliamentary group, Rama highlighted three elements that, according to this analysis, are closely connected. First, he said that the public reaction stems from the fabricated world of the algorithm. He then argued that the people reacting have become detached from reality because, in his view, they are being manipulated by that same algorithm. At its core, this continues the idea that the people do not think critically and are easily influenced. Finally, repeating the same line, he declared that whoever makes accusations must prove them.

According to the author, the claim that the algorithm is defeating everyday reality turns the issue upside down. In fact, the algorithm began to reflect the truth precisely when society returned to itself and openly came out against what Rama’s regime had long been doing. This, the text says, has also been expressed even more clearly by many media specialists. It is precisely here that the analysis seeks to go further: to the way Rama is trying to bring people back to the reality he himself has fabricated, referred to here as the Rama Reality.

So, according to this view, the reality Rama is seeking to restore is precisely the one he himself built as an artificial construct. The question raised is what means he is using to rebuild it.

To restore this reality, the author says Rama has an entire industry at his disposal working for him. This includes journalists paid more than 20 thousand euros a month, media directly involved in the construction industry, a wide network of patronage operatives, as well as international companies known for the sophisticated production of fake news, intimidation, and especially for the policy of constructing the ideal enemy that can then be defeated.

In his speech, according to the analysis, Rama gave assurances to this machine that he will not resign. In fact, according to the author, the message went even further: if I sink, I will take you with me.

In this strategy of returning to the Rama Reality, the thesis that whoever accuses must prove it also plays a role. To support this, he cited Roman law as an example. The author notes that the history of Roman law is more complicated and does not attempt here to enlighten Rama on this point, but agrees to take this claim at face value. Even in that case, according to the analysis, what Rama himself has admitted would be enough to warrant his resignation.

What, specifically, has he admitted? According to the text, he has acknowledged that the fencing off of a protected area was allowed without a project. Likewise, heavy machinery was allowed inside a protected area, and this has already caused considerable environmental damage. According to the author, there must also be accountability for changing the map of protected areas, which shows that this was done with the aim of favoring strategic investors. It also mentions the fact that laws were drafted for so-called strategic investors, which, according to the analysis, turned out to be tailor-made laws. And, remaining in the field of law, the author argues that anyone who drafts tailor-made laws has violated the Constitution and the spirit of the rule of law, because many principles have been undermined, but above all the general nature that the law must have.

The analysis adds that there is even more than that. According to it, Rama has tried to manipulate society when he declared that construction is allowed in category 5 protected areas in the way he interprets it. Likewise, when he says that people’s opposition comes from the influence of enemies, the author underlines that he invents these enemies himself, while as prime minister he proves incapable of arresting or stopping them. The same logic, according to the article, also appears when he tries to control the protesters, to the point of mentioning that he has seen their girlfriends at the protest.

The politics of insult and intimidation, the analysis says, are not new. However, the way they are now being used is presented as different, because until now Rama had avoided half of the strategy that had long been developed by the masters of producing the Rama Reality.

One of the mechanisms of this Rama Reality, according to the author, has been the creation of a media environment and a popular culture that give the impression of a culturally kitsch society, or of a shallow and banal culture. This is linked to the strategy of constructing the image that Albanian society is fortunate to have a prime minister like Rama. As proof of this, the analysis invites the reader to look at these past four days, when one of the main messages promoted by the “agents” of Rama’s Reality has been that there will never again be a leader like Rama and that he supposedly had a vision for this society.

In this way, all of Rama’s abuse of power, according to this interpretation, is presented as a civilizing project. Constructions on the coast and in Tirana are also included within this framework.

Part of Rama’s fabricated world is also, according to the analysis, the production of ridiculous public figures. Especially after Covid-19, television studios, portals, and newspapers were filled with fabricated characters presented as public figures. To understand how they were produced, the author suggests going back in time to see how the main media outlets of the Rama Reality sponsored them.

These figures, the analysis continues, appear everywhere: as analysts, as party spokespeople, as names in art and culture, or as scholars of history. Their function has been to blur as much as possible the line between the fabricated world and the world of facts. According to the author, Rama has used this game in the typical manner of master tricksters, leaving opponents with the burden of proof while building his own Reality on fabrication.

In the logic of the Rama Reality, according to the article, these figures damage the boundaries between truth and fiction. The first effect is that anyone entering the debate starts from the principle of equality between the parties, between the ridiculous approach and the more academic one. In this way, the audience’s mind is stirred and clouded. Not because the public lacks filters, but because the aim is to plant the idea that the search for truth and the struggle for what is right are pointless. The more such figures there are with popular backing, the less hope remains, according to the author, that society has people who can react seriously, as is happening now.

The question then raised is what the other half of the strategy is that had not previously appeared and how the two are connected.

Until now, according to the analysis, Rama had almost never spoken of the existence of Albania’s enemies. Now, however, he says that “we know them well.” The only exception is Iran, which had been mentioned as such several years ago, for reasons that are known. As for the rest of the enemies, the text underlines that until this moment Rama had insisted that he was a leader who denied the existence of enemies and that they were more fabricated than real. For this reason, he often also received credit as a cosmopolitan leader.

But according to the author, reality has been different.

In the daily practice of power, it is said that ideas have been sponsored according to which Albanian society contains many social, cultural, and religious groups that are enemies of one another and of the Albanian state. For this purpose, the Rama Reality used many public figures to write, but the main role was played by those who stood between the ridiculous world and reality.

In the discourse of these new and old “analysts,” according to the analysis, fragments of partial truths about various “enemies” were allowed to enter.

During the Flamingo Revolution, according to the author, the Rama Reality was shaken more not by the algorithm or by the presence of external “enemies,” but by the fact that these worlds, which he had portrayed, and indeed often self-portrayed, as worlds hostile to one another, agreed to unite against the Rama Reality.

For this reason, these days the Rama Reality is trying to identify as many enemy figures as possible within social realities in Tirana and more broadly in the Albanian world. He is trying to link this to the idea of manipulation by the algorithm. Meanwhile, according to the analysis, his hope rests on the fatigue of the protesters, so that, as he himself put it in English, they will fade away, as well as on keeping the party under control and feeding the machine that fabricates reality. According to the author, he will continue with this approach in the future, because he knows that in the Outside World the reality he had proposed to them will no longer work.

In the end, the text concludes that the game is now being played between three realities. The first is the reality people experience every day. The second is what the analysis calls the Rama Reality. The third is the reality people want to build: that of a just and democratic society. It is precisely this third reality, according to the author, that cannot be brought under control, because it is imaginary and is sustained by hope and by the need for dignity.

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